compiled by Dee Finney



Biography of Rudolph Giuliani
In 1944, Rudolph W. Giuliani was born to a working class family in Brooklyn, ... As the grandson of Italian immigrants, Mayor Giuliani learned a strong work ...


Saturday :: January 22, 2005

Rudy and Judy in Palm Beach and Washington

Just caught a glimpse of Rudy Giuilani and his wife Judy at Donald Trump's wedding in Palm Beach. They paused and smiled for the camera as if they were on the red carpet. Judy waved to the crowd as if she was the star of the evening. Amazing.

Guess the couple is practicing for Rudy's run in 2008. The New York Times reports that Gov. Pataki and Rudy both acted like they are presidential contenders, with very different strategies:

Mr. Giuliani was out and about, for sure, and got a big hello from President Bush at a party held by a delegation from Texas on Wednesday night. And both Mr. Pataki and Mr. Giuliani sat in a special presidential box during the inauguration. But while Mr. Giuliani had a relatively small reception at the Washington Hotel during the inaugural parade, with no reporters allowed inside the building, Mr. Pataki invited hundreds of people to the ESPN Zone, a three-story themed playland of a restaurant along the parade route.

While Mr. Giuliani sent out a select number of invitations to his private event, Mr. Pataki sent hundreds of laminated "Pataki Passes" to people across New York and the nation, including all 350 members of the Iowa delegation. The governor's party was an extravaganza with three fountains oozing chocolate fondue, a pasta bar, an omelet bar - and several open bars for alcohol. There were more than 150 television screens (in the bathrooms, too), bowling and video games, and the food displays were decorated with ice sculptures that said "Pataki Pass," too.

Pataki reached out to future Iowa delegates. Rudy did not. The Times says it may be significant:

perhaps more important was the presence [at Pataki's party] of Diane Crookham-Johnson. She is the state finance chairwoman for the Iowa Republican Party. And as anyone with presidential aspiration knows, Iowa holds the nation's first presidential caucus.

Ms. Crookham-Johnson said that Mr. Giuliani had not reached out to the Iowa inaugural guests the way Mr. Pataki had, and that in a state that holds a caucus, where voters gather in homes to discuss whom they want to back, she thought Mr. Pataki's approach could help.

"I think it makes a difference," she said. "There is a lot of support and a lot of interest in Governor Pataki if he is interested in '08." She said that Iowans look at candidates and think: "How would I feel with this person in my living room, because they will be." And of Mr. Pataki, she said, "He's someone you feel comfortable with, you'd want to invite into your house."

John Kerry also made a strategic return to the spotlight at the Inauguration.

Fox News also made its presence known, with Geraldo emceeing the "Heroes Red, White and Blue Inaugural Ball." Head of the musical lineup: Michael Bolton.

Also participating were Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, Joint Chiefs Chairman Air Force Gen. Richard Myers, and Veterans Affairs Secretary Anthony Principi.


October 24, 2005
Giuliani Tops List of U.S. Presidential Hopefuls


Rudy Giuliani

(Angus Reid Global Scan) – Many adults in the United States believe Republican Rudy Giuliani should launch a White House bid, according to a poll by the Marist College Institute for Public Opinion. 54 per cent of respondents would like the former New York City major to run for president in 2008.

Republican Arizona senator John McCain is second on the list of prospective candidates with 52 per cent, followed by Democratic New York

Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton with 48 per cent, and former North Carolina senator and 2004 Democratic vice-presidential nominee John Edwards with 47 per cent.

Less than 40 per cent of respondents support bids by Massachusetts senator and 2004 Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry, and U.S. state secretary Condoleezza Rice.

Giuliani garnered national and international attention in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The former New York City mayor currently heads Giuliani Partners, LLC—a consulting firm.

In an Oct. 5 speech to business leaders, Giuliani opened the door for a possible White House bid, saying, "I think I’ll return to politics."


A Special Guest

Rudy Giuliani was supposed to have spoken earlier in the day, but because of a special tribute in NYC for firefighters who had died in the line of duty, he wasn't going to be able to make his presentation in person. instead, he would be speaking to us by video conference.

As George Martin, the BBC's master of ceremonies, was showing video clips from the memorial service in NYC out walked His Honor, Mayor Rudy Giuliani.

The crowd erupted in applause. Nine-thousand people were standing, cheering, clapping and shouting at the top of their lungs. He was their -- and my -- hero.

Getting Mr. Giuliani to Bakersfield was a Herculean effort. Immediately after the conclusion of the ceremonies in NYC Mr. Giuliani boarded a chartered jet and flew to Bakersfield. He arrived just in time to thrill his thousands of fans.

He talked about life after 9/11. He talked about courage. He talked about winning the war on terrorism. And he talked about how great it is to be an American.

The one question I wanted to ask Mr. Giuliani, had I had the chance would have been, "With all the things that were happening on Sept. 11, and the days immediately following, how were you able to set your priorities?"

He answered my question during his speech. He said that he asked God for guidance because there just wasn't enough time to think things through, before he had to make a decision.

At the close of Mr. Giuliani's speech Pitch and Lee Greenwood walked on stage. Mr. Giuliani gave Pitch a huge hug, as thousands cheered, and Lee started singing God Bless The USA. The crowd stood up, cheered, and sang alone.

Nine-thousand American flags were waving. As I looked into the audience, all I could see was the Red, White and Blue fluttering above.

Pitch walked to the front of the stage, took a flag from one of the hundreds of people standing in front of the stage, and started waving it, His Honor did the same.

The song ended, but the moment didn't. We sang another encore. We weren't about to let our heroes go.

Click here to see the picture.

Pols cashed in on a sweet deal


How tiny condo sale & huge S.I. project are blood relatives
Siesta Key Gulf View condos in Florida
Ex-beep Guy Molinari
A contractor with links to the mob paid former U.S. Reps. Susan Molinari and her husband nearly twice the assessed market value for their share in a Florida condo after winning a taxpayer-funded project pushed by her father.

The 2002 sale, which netted Molinari and husband, Bill Paxon, a $300,000 profit, came after Salvatore Calcagno was hired as a major contractor in the construction of a refrigerated warehouse at the Howland Hook Terminal on Staten Island.

The $10 million project was heavily pushed by Susan's father, Guy Molinari, when he was borough president, and was funded, in part, by his office.

Calcagno is a close personal friend of and longtime fund-raiser for the elder Molinari. In 2001, Calcagno was secretly recorded meeting with a powerful Gambino crime family soldier and was recently indicted on tax fraud charges.

The former borough president's daughter and Paxon are well-paid Washington lobbyists, and are considered to be members of the Beltway's Republican elite.

Susan Molinari is a frequent guest on MSNBC's "Hardball" and "Scarborough Country." She also has filled in for host Joe Scarborough. When she left Congress in 1997, Molinari was briefly co-anchor of "CBS News Saturday Morning."

After he left Congress in 1998, Paxon - who proposed to Molinari on the House floor - served as chairman of the Bush-Cheney transition team and is now a fund-raiser for the Republican National Committee.

At issue is Unit 205 of the Siesta Gulf View condos in Florida's Siesta Key community, purchased in 1986 for $192,000 by the elder Molinari and his then-deputy, James Molinaro, who is now Staten Island borough president.

Molinari and Molinaro are two of the most powerful politicians in Staten Island. Their support is often sought by Republican candidates, including Rudy Giuliani and his successor, Mike Bloomberg.

Records indicate Molinari and Molinaro and their respective wives each got half-shares, though both men refused to say who actually paid for the condo.

Calcagno was hired for the Howland Hook warehouse job in 1999.

In July 2000, as work on the project was coming to an end, the elder Molinari sold his half-share of the condo to his daughter and her husband, who by then had both left Congress to become lobbyists.

Based on the county's market-value assessment of the condo unit, the half share was worth about $136,000 at the time, but the couple paid only $100.

Only one month earlier, Paxon had begun lobbying for federal funding for dredging in front of Howland Hook Terminal, records show.

In an interview, Paxon said all proper gift taxes on the transaction were paid, but he declined to discuss the matter further. Susan Molinari declined comment, but Paxon said he was responding to the Daily News on her behalf as well.

Finally, in April 2002, with Guy Molinari now out of office, Calcagno bought the Susan Molinari-Paxon half share for $300,000. That made Calcagno real estate partners with the new Staten Island borough president, Molinaro.

At the time, Sarasota County appraisers assessed the full-share value of the condo unit at only $371,000 - not $600,000 as the half-share sale price would suggest.

Sarasota County officials declined to discuss specific properties except to say that all Florida assessments are based on "real-time market conditions" and that assessments generally reflect what a property will sell for.

Paxon said he did not recall how Calcagno came to be the buyer, except to say: "He's a well-known guy in Staten Island and a friend of [my] in-laws. He expressed a long-term desire to buy the condo."

Paxon insisted that the $300,000 sales price was fair market value based on rapidly rising property values on Florida's Gulf Coast that year, and that the transaction was "entirely arm's length."

Records show that Calcagno and James Molinaro still co-own the unit. Records also show that Calcagno co-owned a trucking company, APS Trucking, with Molinaro's son.

The company has received steady work from Howland Hook for years, according to officials.

Guy Molinari and Molinaro did not respond to a series of questions from the Daily News.

During a $75-a-plate fund-raiser Wednesday evening in Manhattan, Molinaro - who effusively praised Bloomberg during his speech - brushed off a reporter, stating, "You're annoying me. This is a private party."

Beep's close ties to Mafia-linked builder

The relationship between Guy Molinari, James Molinaro and Salvatore Calcagno began to surface in the late 1990s at the Howland Hook Terminal, a mammoth containerport on Staten Island that largely is funded by taxpayers.

The port's renewal mainly was the work of Molinari, a longtime Republican powerbroker whose support was instrumental in ensuring former Mayor Rudy Giuliani's victories in Democrat-centric New York City politics.

In his State of the Borough speech in 1997, then-Borough President Molinari announced he was going to push for public subsidy of a new temperature-controlled warehouse at Howland Hook to store fruit and vegetables.

The warehouse was to be mostly funded by three government agencies - $2 million from the Port Authority, $2 million from the city's Economic Development Corp. and $1 million from Molinari's office. The terminal and a shipping company would kick in another $2 million.

Despite the influx of public funding, Howland Hook officials got to select the contractors.

In an interview, Carmine Ragucci, former director of Howland Hook, said Calcagno and several other firms were picked by competitive bidding.

He said the city and the PA approved all the contracts and declined to discuss the matter further.

The warehouse originally was to cost $7 million but went over budget, with the PA and city EDC coughing up $500,000 of the $3 million in cost overruns.

Ragucci declined to say how much Calcagno was paid on the warehouse job.

In addition to raising funds for Molinari and Molinaro, Calcagno has donated to both men's campaigns, records show.

Calcagno gave Guy Molinari $2,000 in 1997 and another $500 to Molinari's Republican Club on Feb. 7, 2002, weeks before buying the condo from Molinari's daughter.

He also gave $7,000 to Molinaro's 2001 and 2005 campaigns, as well as $5,500 to the state Conservative Party in 1999 and 2000, which Molinaro has for years been vice chairman.

In 2001, after the warehouse job was completed, Calcagno popped up in the middle of an FBI investigation of mob infiltration of Howland Hook and the rest of the New York waterfront.

During an August 2001 phone chat recorded by the FBI, a mob enforcer named Primo Cassarino told his gangster boss, Anthony (Sonny) Ciccone, that a contractor he named "Chubby" wanted to speak with Ciccone about some problem he was having. The FBI has identified "Chubby" as Calcagno.

On Aug. 23, 2001, the FBI watched as Ciccone and Calcagno showed up at a Staten Island restaurant. The feds had bugged the table where Ciccone always sat.

According to FBI transcripts of the conversation, Ciccone sat down with Calcagno and several other mob associates. Then the two men excused themselves and talked in the corner.

Calcagno left and Ciccone returned to the table to say, "I'm done with Sal," according to the transcripts.

In April, Brooklyn federal prosecutors unsealed an indictment charging Calcagno with hiding more than $260,000 in income. A prosecutor said in court that the investigation was continuing.

Calcagno declined to comment, but his lawyer, Mike Rosen, denied that his client was connected to the mob. Rosen said Calcagno did the work he was hired to do on the warehouse and was paid a fair amount.

Greg B. Smith

Chronology on the condo sale involving contractor Salvatore Calcagno and former Staten Island Borough President Guy Molinari, his daughter and son-in-law:


Guy Molinari pays $80,000 for a half share in Florida condo.


Calcagno is hired to build Staten Island warehouse.

July 2000

Guy Molinari sells half share to his daughter Susan and her husband, Bill Paxon, for $100.

April 2002

Susan Molinari and Paxon sell their half share to Calcagno for $300,000.

Originally published on October 23, 2005


Giuliani praises Bush, Iraq war in Iona speech

(Original publication: November 11, 2005)

NEW ROCHELLE — Former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani praised President Bush's handling of the war on terrorism — including the conflict in Iraq — last night, but said New Yorkers should still expect another attack.

Giuliani, during an appearance at Iona College, said people need to accept that the risk of another attack is still high and continue with their lives.

"I do think we are going to get attacked again," Giuliani told reporters at the college. "I think New York City has about as expert a level of preparation that you can have, but it is not invulnerable."

Giuliani added that more people are killed by drunken drivers than by terrorism and that while the risk to the country is a big one, "the risk for any individual human being is a small one."

The former mayor spoke to reporters after delivering a speech to more than 1,200 people inside Iona's gymnasium. He praised President Bush for going on the offensive against terrorism after Sept. 11, 2001, and said that despite setbacks in Iraq, that country is on its way toward having an accountable government.

"There's a tremendously long way to go in Iraq, but we are on the right track," Giuliani said.

Giuliani's speech was the fourth given as part of the college's annual Presidential Leadership Series. Previous speakers were former Gov. Mario Cuomo, former presidential candidate Steve Forbes and former New York Knicks star and former Sen. Bill Bradley.

Using remembrances of Sept. 11 and stories about, among others, Presidents Reagan and Lincoln, Giuliani spoke about leadership qualities. Leaders must have a long-term vision, he said, and the ability to execute that vision. He also said good leaders were usually optimists.

"Most people follow hope," Giuliani said. "They follow dreams and they follow the fulfillment of dreams."

The crowd, which gave Giuliani a standing ovation when he took the stage, was three times larger than that any of the previous speeches given in the series, said Meghan Finn, Iona College spokeswoman.

The speech was paid for by the college and arranged through the Washington Speakers Bureau, which arranges the former mayor's paid appearances, Finn said. As part of the college's arrangement with the mayor, members of the media were not allowed to record the speech.

Giuliani, however, did hold a brief news conference with reporters afterward and said that despite sagging poll numbers, Bush would be remembered as one of the greatest presidents in history.

When asked whether he intended to run for president in 2008, Giuliani laughed and said it's too early for such talk.

Volume 4, Number 45 | November 10 - 16, 2005


In a lavish, seven-level stage that accommodated a massive victory night tableau, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg was joined by fellow Republicans Rudy Giuliani and George Pataki, along with hosts of other local political figures.

Even the Euphoria Choreographed
Fast spending mayoral campaign spared no expense for a Midtown victory party


Standing before thousands of supporters in a midtown hotel ballroom and with dozens of prominent Democratic, Republican, and independent backers arrayed behind him, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg ended his successful, multi-million dollar re-election campaign on an extravagant high note.

“I love this city,” Bloomberg said. “I give you my word that I will continue to lead it honestly and independently.”

The Republican mayor thanked Fernando Ferrer, the Democratic contender in the mayoral race, saying his challenger was “a good man and a worthy opponent” and adding, “I thank him for his commitment to the people of New York City.”

Bloomberg then recalled when he first took office four years ago just after the attacks of September 11, 2001.

“That night we told the world that New York City was alive and well,” he said. “We created jobs in every borough, we drove crime down to the lowest level in 40 years, we’re on the way to getting our children a quality education.”

Bloomberg, with 723,635 votes to Ferrer’s 477,903, took just under 60 percent of the vote to the Democrat’s tally that fell a bit below 40 percent, according to the Daily News. Roughly 200,000 fewer New Yorkers voted this year over four years ago. Just as his run was choreographed, the Bloomberg campaign, which at last report had spent $67 million through October 27, carefully staged the entire victory evening.

There were seven steps rising up on the stage behind Bloomberg, as opposed to a level dais, allowing the campaign to place more supporters there and making them more visible. The supporters, a mix of Latino, white, Asian Americans, and African Americans, were bracketed by a chorus of African-American and Latino women who sang “Ain’t No Stopping Us Now” before the mayor came on stage.

Bloomberg said his campaign was the “most diverse in history” and he claimed support from across ethnic and racial lines. Even “the house of labor,” or the union vote, had pitched in by bringing him the votes of “more than 600,000 working men and women,” the mayor said. The mayor claimed his campaign had 55,000 volunteers.

City Councilwoman Margarita Lopez, a Democrat and out lesbian, who in September lost her primary bid for Manhattan borough president, came on stage with Herman Badillo, a Democrat turned Republican and a Latino leader. Standing in the front row, Lopez waved to the crowd and gave two thumbs up to the audience. Brian Ellner, also a gay Democrat who backed Bloomberg after losing a bid for Manhattan borough president, was less visible in a rear row.

The crowd was less diverse politically than those on stage. When the three giant TV screens in the room showed U.S. Senator Jon Corzine, a Democrat, beating Doug Forrester, a Republican businessman, in the New Jersey governor’s race, the crowd booed and hissed, though there was a smattering of applause for that news. When Republicans Rudy Giuliani, the former mayor, and Governor George Pataki came on stage, they were greeted with rousing applause and cheers.

Other than the New Jersey race, those TV screens only went to local television broadcasts when they showed favorable results for Bloomberg, which inevitably brought cheers from the crowd, or when a reporter gave a report from the ballroom. Otherwise they showed pictures of the crowd captured live by cameras in the room.

When WNBC called the race for Bloomberg at 10 p.m., the crowd went wild. That was followed by more cheering moments later when NY 1 News proclaimed Bloomberg was the winner.

Ferrer’s concession speech, which began at roughly 10:30, was shown live on the screens, but without sound, and the Bloomberg campaign began moving the chorus and supporters onto the stage. The campaign waited to begin Bloomberg’s speech until just after 11:00 to avoid interrupting prime time TV entertainment programs and to ensure it would be carried live during local news broadcasts.

Bloomberg was introduced by Magic Johnson, the former basketball star, who asked the crowd “Are you ready for Mike Bloomberg the mayor who made New York City’s streets safer, the mayor who brought quality education to your children?”

In press reports, some Bloomberg supporters are describing the win as a mandate for the mayor, but, as always, the picture is more complex.

As much as some voters approve of the mayor’s performance, the lower turnout suggests there was a general disinterest in the race on the part of some voters, the view that a Bloomberg win was inevitable and that voting was pointless, or both.
With many in the mainstream press assuming a Bloomberg win, the coverage of the race was minimal and rarely dealt with issues taken up by the candidates. Bloomberg’s expensive campaign dominated the discourse and, just as the campaign’s closing night was an extravaganza, the final analysis may be that the 2005 mayoral race represents the triumph of salesmanship over substance.

Floridians want to see Hillary-Rudy presidential match
Published Sunday, November 27, 2005
by By Barry Epstein
According to a statewide poll, Floridians favor two New Yorkers for the presidential nominations in their respective parties – Democratic U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton and Republican Rudy Giuliani, New York City’s former mayor. They poll says Giuliani or U.S. Sen. John McCain would beat Clinton. • A growing majority of Florida voters also disapprove of the job President Bush is doing and say it’s unlikely they would vote for his brother, Gov. Jeb Bush, if he seeks the presidency in 2008. •

Copyright 2005 - Boca Raton News

Giuliani Takes First Step Toward Presidential Bid

Published: November 13, 2006
Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former mayor of New York City, has taken the first step toward mounting a presidential candidacy, forming an organization on Friday to explore a White House run.

Mr. Giuliani stopped short of filing documents with the Federal Election Commission to create a presidential campaign committee, a step that Gov. Tom Vilsack of Iowa, a Democrat, has taken. Instead, he filed to form a nonprofit group in New York State. Other politicians, like Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona, have said they planned to file.
“Mayor Giuliani has not made a decision yet,” John H. Gross, a lawyer at Proskauer Rose and a former campaign treasurer for Mr. Giuliani, said in a statement. “With the filing of this document, we have taken the necessary legal steps so an organization can be put in place and money can be raised to explore a possible presidential run in 2008.”
another statement, Anthony V. Carbonetti, a former chief of staff to Mr. Giuliani, said, “Rudy has traveled the country campaigning tirelessly on behalf of Republican candidates and has had the opportunity to speak with Americans on a wide variety of issues. They have been encouraging him to run for president, and this filing affords him the opportunity to raise money and put together an organization to assist him in making his decision.”

As news of Mr. Giuliani’s action emerged today, some Democrats rushed to criticize him. “It’s unclear whether or not Rudy Giuliani will be able to just ‘explain away’ the fact that he’s consistently taken positions that are completely opposite to the conservative Republican base on issues they hold near and dear,” a spokeswoman for the Democratic National Committee, Karen Finney, said in a statement.

Mr. Giuliani, who was mayor from 1993 to 2001, has expressed socially liberal views including support for gay rights and abortion rights. He has traveled widely in recent months, stumping for Republican candidates in Florida, Illinois, Michigan, New Hampshire, South Carolina and elsewhere. Several of those candidates lost in the midterm elections last week when the Democrats recaptured both houses of Congress.

On Sunday, after a speech in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., Mr. Giuliani said he did not view the election as a rebuke to Republicans, but urged the party to commit itself to fiscal discipline and immigration reform.

Federal election law allows individuals exploring a candidacy to “test the waters” before deciding to run for federal office. The prospective candidate does not need to register with the commission, but must abide by the same contribution and spending limits as declared candidates.

The commission advises any individual doing such preliminary exploration to keep detailed financial records, because if the individual formally becomes a candidate, money raised and spent on “testing the waters” will be considered as contributions and expenditures under federal law.

Individuals who are “testing the waters” may pay for polling, phone calls, travel, political consultants, office space and stationery, among other things. But they may not raise more money than “reasonably required for exploratory activity,” use public advertising to publicize their intention to run, make statements that refer to themselves as candidates, or campaign for office.

“It’s likely that presidential candidates will have to raise at least $100 million by the end of 2007,” the chairman of the Federal Election Commission, Michael E. Toner, said in an interview. “Rudy Giuliani is clearly one of those candidates who can raise that amount of money.”

Once prospective presidential candidates file exploratory papers with the Federal Election Commission, they are required to file monthly fund-raising reports. Several aspirants intend to wait until at least January, so that their first fund-raising disclosure is not due until late February, giving them more time to raise money.

If Mr. Giuliani decides to run, he will be able to transfer money from his new organization, the Rudy Giuliani Presidential Exploratory Committee, to his federal campaign committee.

In a four-page filing submitted on Friday to the New York State Department of State and obtained by The New York Times, the new organization was listed as a nonprofit corporation. Bobby R. Burchfield, a partner who handles corporate litigation at McDermott Will & Emery, a firm in Washington, filed the papers. Mr. Gross was listed as a director of the organization, along with Peter J. Powers, a former deputy mayor, and Dennison Young Jr., a former federal prosecutor who was Mr. Giuliani’s chief counsel.

Jeff Zeleny contributed reporting.


Giuliani Assembles High-Powered Donors

The Associated Press
Friday, November 17, 2006; 12:26 AM

NEW YORK -- Republican Rudy Giuliani has assembled a group of high-powered business executives, including billionaire Texas oil mogul T. Boone Pickens, to raise money as the former New York City mayor weighs a full-blown presidential bid.

Giuliani headlined a meeting of the finance committee in New York on Wednesday. The group will be chaired by Roy Bailey, a former finance chairman for the Texas Republican Party and a founding member of Giuliani Partners, the former mayor's consulting firm.


Former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani speaks about leadership qualities during a Global Leadership Forum luncheon in Edmonton, Canada, Tuesday, Nov. 14, 2006. Giuliani has filed papers to begin an exploratory committee - the first step in the process of running for president of the United States of America. (AP Photo/CP, Jason Scott)
Former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani speaks about leadership qualities during a Global Leadership Forum luncheon in Edmonton, Canada, Tuesday, Nov. 14, 2006. Giuliani has filed papers to begin an exploratory committee - the first step in the process of running for president of the United States of America. (AP Photo/CP, Jason Scott) (Jason Scott - AP)

"It's a group of very committed people who hope the mayor's exploratory committee leads to other things," Bailey said in an interview.

Among the most notable members of the group is Pickens, a longtime contributor to President Bush and other Republican candidates. In 2004, Pickens donated more than $4 million to GOP causes, including $3 million to Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, the group that made unsubstantiated allegations about Democratic Sen. John Kerry's military record.

Other members of Giuliani's finance committee include Barry Wynn, former chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party and the finance chair of Bush's re-election campaign. The South Carolina primary is a key early contest in the presidential nominating process.

Another committee member is Tom Hicks, a Dallas billionaire and owner of the Texas Rangers baseball team. Hicks organized the investment group that purchased the Rangers in 1998 from a partnership that included Bush.

Anne Dickerson, a veteran Bush fundraiser who has been attached to Giuliani's political action committee, Solutions America, will be the committee's national fundraising director.

Bailey refused to disclose the finance committee's fundraising goals, but said the group was putting together a schedule of events around the country to begin in the next 30 days.

Bailey described Giuliani as "very serious" about the presidential exploratory effort, and said the success of the fundraising campaign will be an important gauge of whether the former mayor can raise the money he needs to go forward.

"The purpose of testing the waters is testing whether there is financial support," Bailey said.

Giuliani, widely praised for his leadership after the Sept. 11, 2001 terror attacks, has emerged as a national Republican leader and prodigious fundraiser for GOP candidates nationwide. But his liberal views on social issues _ he supports legal abortion, gay rights and gun control _ may not be well-received by Christian conservatives, who form a significant bloc of the Republican base.

National polls show Giuliani running strong among potential GOP presidential candidates, either topping the field or tied with Arizona Sen. John McCain. McCain filed papers on Thursday to form an exploratory committee.

Other potential GOP contenders include Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney and New York Gov. George Pataki. Both decided against seeking another term with an eye toward 2008.

Giuliani's successor, Republican New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, has mused publicly about running as an independent

Updated:2007-01-02 15:11:03
Giuliani's Game Plan for 2008 Found
Former Mayor to Raise $100 Million in 2007
WASHINGTON (Jan. 2, 2007) - The presidential campaign strategy for former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani  includes a $100 million fundraising target for this year.
The 140-page schedule for the Republican 's budding presidential bid was reported in Tuesday's editions of the New York Daily News.

The paper said an anonymous source obtained the document after it was left behind on a campaign trip in 2006, though Giuliani spokeswoman Sunny Mindel told the paper the "suspicious activity" was a dirty campaign trick.

The schedule includes a plan to raise at least $100 million in 2007 by reeling in big Republican donors like Fred Smith, the CEO of FedEx, the paper reported. Smith is already supporting Senator John McCain 's bid.

The document also predicts some $100 million could be spent against Giuliani to highlight political vulnerabilities like his three marriages and moderate stances on social issues, including gun control and gay rights.

Giuliani is a hugely popular fundraiser for his party, due largely to his response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, for which he was called "America's mayor."

Copyright 2007 The Associated Press

January 10, 2007

Giuliani: Bush Did the Right Thing

Former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani said President Bush "did the right thing” in deciding to send additional U.S. troops to Iraq.

Appearing on Fox News Channel’s "Hannity & Colmes” after the speech, Giuliani said he agreed with the change in U.S. strategy in taking the fight directly to the terrorists.

"The strategy is much more important than just the increase in troops,” Giuliani said. "America has to succeed here. If we don’t succeed in Iraq, we will face tremendous problems. We should all be hoping and praying for American success.”

Giuliani, a likely 2008 Republican presidential candidate, said Americans must focus more on the consequences of a war on terror and how it can impact U.S. lifestyles and safety if we lose. "We are at war no matter what happens in Iraq because the terrorists are at war with us,” Giuliani said. "The president did the right thing tonight. The change in strategy means we can police these battleground areas in Iraq much more effectively.”

Giuliani said this may not be the most important speech in the Bush presidency, but it has the chance to become so if the plan works.

"I don’t think the speech is as important as the results,” he said. "If it works, then this was the most important speech in his presidency. Pressed for a political analysis on the speech, Giuliani said the politics should take a backseat to victory for America.

"Republicans and Democrats have plenty to fight about,” he said. "I wish there would be more bipartisan support for getting it right in Iraq.

"If this works,” Giuliani continued, "George Bush doesn’t win; America wins.”

© NewsMax 2007. All rights reserved


Ness Technologies Presents Hanukkah Menorah to Rudolph Giuliani – Symbolizes Linkage between Leadership and Israel and Miracles

Raviv Zoller, President and CEO of Ness Technologies (left) presents Giuliani with a silver Hanukkah Menorah.

Ness Technologies, Inc. (NASDAQ: NSTC), a global provider of IT solutions and services, held its Leadership Summit on September 22, 2005 at David Intercontinental hotel in Tel Aviv, Israel. The guest of honor was Rudolph Giuliani, former Mayor of New York City. Aharon Fogel – Chairman of the Board of Directors of Ness Technologies, and Raviv Zoller – President and CEO of Ness Technologies, presented Giuliani with a silver Hanukkah Menorah. "We thought about a meaningful gift, linking the worlds of leadership, Israel and Ness Technologies," said Zoller.

"I believe that we found the symbolic combination of these worlds in the Hanukkah Menorah, which symbolizes for the Jewish people the victory over an enemy and the victory of faith and spirit.  We see these characteristics as necessary traits of leaders.  We are honored to present this gift to Mr. Giuliani for his public service, which has affected the entire world and every one of us, as a symbol of true leadership." 

"Hanukkah, the Jewish Festival of Lights, is also the festival of Ness Technologies," said Zoller. "Ness was founded in the month of the Festival, in 1999. Ness acquired several companies, in a short time, and when we looked for a company name – the process was somewhat longer. 

Morris Wolfson, Ness Founder and a stockholder, suggested that everyone must  agree that it's truly a miracle to establish a company in such a short time.

Miracle is Ness in Hebrew and we selected this name. Our vision was to be Israel's leading IT services company and to expand our activity globally. After six years we can say that we realize the vision every day and continue to present new challenges for realization."  Ness Technologies (NASDAQ: NSTC) is a global provider of end-to-end IT services and solutions designed to help clients improve competitiveness and efficiency. Specializing in outsourcing and offshore, systems integration and application development, software and consulting, and quality assurance and training, Ness serves a blue-chip client base of over 500 public- and private-sector customers. With over 5,000 employees, Ness maintains operations in 15 countries across North America, Europe and Asia Pacific, and more than 100 alliances and partnerships around the world.

Texas Two-Step: Giuliani and Houston's Bracewell Learn the Politics of Dancing


It was a beautiful wedding. When Houston's Bracewell & Patterson called a press conference at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel two years ago to introduce its new partner, Rudolph Giuliani, the firm's lawyers beamed. Their trophy mate was a real catch, someone who would bring instant name recognition for Bracewell's fledgling New York office. Like a good traditional bride, the firm changed its name to Bracewell & Giuliani. The hard-nosed New York politician and the savvy Texas firm cast their relationship in terms that might make a Hallmark card writer blush. Their union, they said, was ignited by a burning passion for the law.

"I wanted to practice law," said Giuliani, 63, during an interview in late February. "I really enjoyed it. It's who I am." Or, as Patrick Oxford, Bracewell's managing partner, said in 2005: "It was really his love of the law that really drove our conversations."

It's entirely possible, of course, that at an age when many lawyers ease into retirement, Giuliani felt an unquenchable desire to plunge back into motions to dismiss and conflicts checks. It's also an unavoidable fact that politicians have to create the right story. Giuliani is a presidential candidate whose campaign story masks some rough edges in his personal and professional life. The Bracewell chapter of this candidate's tale likewise has some awkward angles.

Giuliani, the quintessential New Yorker, could walk into practically any major law office in Manhattan and shake hands with a partner he's known for years. Yet he chose a 332-lawyer Texas firm where he had known no one longer than a few months and that was barely visible in New York. Is it possible that political considerations were a factor in Giuliani's choice? No, insist Giuliani and Oxford. "That would be a silly way to run for president," says Giuliani. "You don't join a law firm to run for president." Adds Oxford: "We never discussed that one single time."

They might not have had to. Oxford is close to President George W. Bush and Karl Rove and has been a top fund-raiser for Bush's presidential campaigns. And during the last 35 years, Oxford has been a behind-the-scenes force in Texas politics. If Giuliani's arrangement with Bracewell has nothing to do with politics, then he is benefiting from some extremely lucky coincidences. Oxford is now serving as Giuliani's campaign chairman, and in the first three months of the year, Giuliani has received more money from Texas -- $2.2 million -- than any other Republican or Democratic candidate. The list of Texas donors includes former Bush supporter and billionaire T. Boone Pickens Jr. (who has helped raise $500,000, according to the Wall Street Journal), Texas Rangers owner Tom Hicks and Richard Kinder, the chairman and chief executive officer of Bracewell client Kinder Morgan Inc.

But politics can test the best of unions. In recent months, the political spotlight trained on Bracewell has become increasingly uncomfortable for Giuliani, the firm and its clients. Recent articles have scrutinized the firm's work for energy companies like Venezuela-owned Citgo Petroleum Corp., forcing Giuiliani to explain his firm's connections to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. The firm has also had to defend its work for companies accused of fighting environmental regulation. In addition, Bracewell has had to concern itself with Federal Election Commission rules that would penalize Giuliani and the firm if his compensation is considered a campaign contribution.

Shortly before this article went to press, Oxford disclosed that Giuliani would soon be "stepping back" from Bracewell. "As he becomes more involved in his campaign, public appearances on behalf of the firm can be misunderstood," Oxford said. He added that Giuliani's status as a partner would not change, but that he would reduce his appearances for the firm and would be less involved in Bracewell's New York strategy. This move was prompted in part, said Oxford, by an effort to spare the firm and its clients more campaign scrutiny, or, as Oxford calls the attention, "cavity searches."

After a little more than two years, the strain of this marriage is showing. Will love of the law be enough to hold it together?

Back in February, Giuliani was all over Manhattan. A close-up of his face hung from hundreds of sidewalk newsstands, filling the cover of New York magazine. The headline wondered: "Him? What America Sees in Rudy. The Weirdness of the Giuliani Juggernaut." The article -- which examined how Giuliani woos voters outside New York by running on the memory of Sept. 11 -- did not mention Bracewell & Giuliani.

Inside Bracewell's Times Square office, a few touches set the firm apart. A closed-circuit security camera watched the reception area. A room next to reception served as a memorial to Sept. 11; it included flags, a picture of Ground Zero and a photo of the Statue of Liberty emblazoned with the words "God Bless America." In the hallway outside Giuliani's office, two security guards squeezed their large bodies into a small booth.

Giuliani sat in a wing chair by the door. "Leadership," his 2002 autobiography/inspirational management guide, was positioned next to him on a small table. His tie was dotted with little "R"s, and he had pinned an American flag to the lapel of his blue-and-gray pin-striped suit. One of the firm's public relations specialists sat to the side. As Giuliani answered questions about his role at the firm, he smiled almost continuously.

"My last five to six months in office [as mayor], I thought, 'What to do next?' " he recalled, as he quickly wove in campaign points. "I had been through prostate cancer, and I was healthy. I wanted to practice law. I wanted to take the principles I used to turn around New York and consult with businesses that needed that kind of help. ... All of this was in motion, then Sept. 11 happened." With that tragedy taking precedence, Giuliani said he "turned over" the planning of his postmayoral career to a friend, Roy Bailey. Bailey is not a lawyer and previously ran a large insurance agency in Texas. He helped Giuliani set up a small conglomerate of businesses: Giuliani Partners, and its two units, Giuliani Security and Safety and Giuliani Capital Advisors. A Giuliani Partners spokeswoman said that Bailey, who is managing director of Giuliani Partners, was too busy to be interviewed for this article.

Two-and-a-half years later, in the summer of 2004, Giuliani gave Bailey a new assignment. "I had told Roy ... that I wanted to see if I could get into the law practice," Giuliani said. That September, during the Republican National Convention in New York, Bailey had dinner with some Republican businessmen and met Oxford for the first time. The two men shared interests in Texas and politics. Bailey, a former head cheerleader at Southern Methodist University, had been finance chairman of the Republican Party of Texas. Bailey asked Oxford to have coffee the next day, and broached the idea of Giuliani joining Bracewell.

Giuliani and Oxford had numerous meetings "to make sure the cultures matched," said Giuliani during the interview, who said he didn't talk to many other law firms. Before he left office he had discussions with one firm in depth, and another firm was contacted by others on his behalf, he said. (He declined to identify them.) Oxford informed Bracewell's seven-person management committee about the talks, but the partnership wasn't told for roughly two months, until the two sides outlined some terms. In March 2005 Bracewell unveiled its new star. "We share values," Oxford announced at the time.

It was an unusual deal. The firm agreed to pay Giuliani Partners $10 million up front for the services of the former mayor and two lawyer friends he would bring from Giuliani Partners: Michael Hess and Daniel Connolly, who had worked for the mayor in city government. Despite that hefty payment, the three would continue to split their time with Giuliani Partners. Before Giuliani became immersed in campaigning, he typically spent only Mondays and Fridays at Bracewell, allowing him to meet his other obligations. "I think I work two to three normal schedules," he noted during the inverview. Bracewell also took out a $25 million loan to open the office.

During the February interview, Giuliani explained what attracted him to Bracewell. "I know law firms really well," said Giuliani, who has been a partner at three other firms and served as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York from 1983 to 1989. "I wanted to make sure I really respected and liked the people here. I retain the idea that this is more a profession than a business." He added, "A lot of law firms have made big mistakes by hooking up with the wrong people."

Not everyone saw a natural alliance. Some Bracewell partners were shocked "to the point of disbelief," says former partner Joseph Ford, who is now at DLA Piper. Bracewell sat a rung below elite Houston firms like Vinson & Elkins and Baker Botts. "People were surprised that a firm like Bracewell & Patterson could attract someone of that stature," says Ford. Another former partner adds, "We all asked, what's in it for him? ... People raised questions, but it was sub rosa. It was not popular to discuss around the water cooler." In the end, this partner says, the vote to bring in Giuliani and change the firm's name was close to unanimous: "The prevailing winds were so clear."

The financial disclosure form that Giuliani filed with the Federal Election Commission in May shows a highly unusual and lucrative arrangement between Bracewell and Giuliani. The firm guarantees the candidate a base pay of $1 million a year, and in 2006, he received $1.2 million. Most surprisingly, Giuliani also gets 7.5 percent of the revenues of Bracewell's New York office. The firm claimed it had not yet computed that amount for last year as of the date of the filing, so Giuliani did not report his share of the New York revenue. With roughly 40 lawyers in New York and firmwide revenue per lawyer of $605,000 (which is likely low for the New York office), the New York office likely had revenues of at least $27 million. Giuliani's slice of that amount would be $2 million. (The filing also showed that Giuliani had made a loan to New York partner Kenneth Caruso in the range of $250,000 to $500,000. Oxford said he did not know the reason for that loan; Caruso did not return a call.)

Still, despite this generous compensation, it was clear from the start that Giuliani would have a limited role. "My understanding was that he was lending his name and 10 to 15 hours a month to this," says one former partner. Ford adds that most partners assumed that Giuliani would have even less time for the firm in coming years: "Everybody assumed that he would run for president sooner or later."

During an interview in January, Oxford described the union of Bracewell and Giuliani as a perfect fit, motivated by disappearing old-fashioned values. "We recognize this is a business of law, and profitability you have to be attuned to, but it's not the essence of what we're trying to do," said Oxford. "Rudy was attracted to that. He didn't think law firms like ours existed anymore."

Sitting in a conference room in Bracewell's Houston headquarters, the 64-year-old Oxford was pleasant and personable. In a smooth baritone voice, he described how the addition of Giuliani has enhanced the firm's "world-class value propositions." He checked off the ways in which Giuliani has contributed: His reputation for leadership and integrity has raised the firm's profile; his great relationships in the New York business community have given the firm the right entrées; and his presence has created the excitement to attract top talent. And, in theory at least, Giuliani has been available to do legal work.

"We had hopes that with Rudy's great legal abilities, there would be circumstances where we would use them," said Oxford. The managing partner avoided specifics, but reported that Giuliani has worked on three or four projects, and has "provided a lot of great judgment" on other matters. "The actual time he's spent on files I hesitate to estimate," said Oxford. So did Giuliani. "I don't count billable time," he said. "That's part of the arrangement."

Most important for Oxford, Giuliani has enhanced Bracewell's "overall patina." Raising Bracewell's profile has been a goal of Oxford's. When he was elected managing partner in 2001, Oxford set a more ambitious agenda than that of his predecessor, Kelly Frels, who heads the firm's school district practice. Oxford is a competitor -- he displays a picture in his office showing him crossing the finish line of the New York City Marathon in 1983. As managing partner, he aimed to shrink the gap between Bracewell and firms like Vinson & Elkins. "He wanted to out-V&E V&E," remarks one former partner. At one summer retreat, an associate performed a skit that gently ribbed Oxford's penchant for grand plans. The line "We're in the big leagues now" got a knowing laugh.

Oxford joined Bracewell & Patterson in 1967 out of the University of Texas School of Law, when the firm had 13 lawyers. Throughout most of his career, Oxford has kept his eye on interests outside the law. In 1980, he left the firm to try his hand as a businessman, joining a client's bank, River Oaks Bank and Trust Company, as chairman of the executive committee. In 1983 he left that job to start a real estate investment fund called Western Growth Pool. "The '80s in Texas were very tough," Oxford says. "We made more than we lost, but did not do spectacularly." He returned to Bracewell & Patterson in 1988.

But Oxford's main outside passion has been politics. In 1970, when he was just three years out of law school, he worked on his first campaign, George H.W. Bush's unsuccessful run for U.S. senator from Texas. In 1978 Oxford took a leave from Bracewell to be deputy campaign manager for the late John Tower in his re-election run for U.S. senator from Texas. "I was probably getting a little restless in practice," Oxford explained. Over the years, Oxford has aligned himself with a series of successful Republican candidates in Texas, including the state's two U.S. senators. He has played significant roles in all of Kay Bailey Hutchison's three campaigns for that office and was Texas co-chairman of her last campaign, in 2006; he has been treasurer of John Cornyn's fund-raising committee since 2003. (Cornyn has raised $5.6 million since then.) One Republican insider says that Oxford's success in politics is partly due to his engaging personality. "Pat's just a good guy," he says. "He works hard at maintaining friendships, and he's very good at it."

While working for Hutchison, a law school classmate, Oxford got to know the senator's chief strategist, Karl Rove. "Karl and I became fast friends," said Oxford. "I love Rove, I honestly do. He's one of the finest, most insightful gentlemen I've ever known." Oxford and Rove continued to work together on other campaigns, including those of George W. Bush. Oxford met Bush in the 1970s through common friends, and has worked on all of Bush's elections since, including his two runs for Texas governor and his two presidential campaigns. Oxford helped raise $100,000 for Bush in 2000, which qualified him as a Bush "pioneer." But his efforts for his fellow Texan went beyond fund raising. During Bush's two presidential elections, Oxford organized a volunteer effort that he named the Mighty Texas Strike Force. "That was my brainchild," said Oxford about the 1,500 volunteers who were dispatched from Texas to battleground states. In November 2004 Oxford described one of the group's principles to Newsweek: "We move to the sound of guns."

In the 2000 election, Oxford joined the extensive network of Republican lawyers who set up camp in Florida during the vote recount. "I ran Broward County," said Oxford. "Some people would say the recount came down to what happened in Broward. It was quite a thrilling experience." Broward County, which includes Fort Lauderdale, was one of three counties where Democrats focused their recount efforts, and -- because it was the most Democratic of the three -- it offered arguably their best chance to pick up enough votes to tip the state to Al Gore. In the end, the tallying failed to put enough votes in Gore's column. Michael Madigan, a partner at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld who also worked on the recount for Bush, calls Oxford "probably the most valuable strategist down there," and notes that Oxford was frequently in contact with Bush, who stayed in Texas. Madigan credits Oxford with the idea of bringing famous Republicans, like former senator Robert Dole, into the vote-counting room as "celebrity observers."

In 2004, when Ohio was the key battleground state, Oxford's strike force came under scrutiny when one member was accused of voter intimidation in Ohio. This incident was related in a report by Democratic members of the House Judiciary Committee entitled "What Went Wrong in Ohio" and was reported in Robert Kennedy Jr.'s June 2006 article in Rolling Stone, "Was the 2004 Election Stolen?" Oxford insists that the strike force was never instructed to intimidate voters. "When I read the report in Rolling Stone, that was all fiction to me," said Oxford. The Mighty Texas Strike Force will not regroup for the next presidential campaign, according to Oxford. When Bush was running, Texas was solidly behind him, and Texas volunteers needed an outlet for their activities. This time, he said, Texas volunteers will be needed in Texas. "The strike force was an aberration of the Bush years," he said.

Bracewell has also come to the defense of one of the most controversial Republicans in recent years. Beginning in 2000, the firm defended former Republican House majority leader Tom DeLay against various ethics charges. (It is not currently representing DeLay in a criminal money laundering case brought by the Travis County, Texas, district attorney.) As of 2004, DeLay's legal defense fund had paid Bracewell more than $800,000 and owed the firm between $100,000 and $250,000. (The fund did not have to file public reports after DeLay left Congress.)

Giuliani is not the first Republican politician that Oxford has lured to Bracewell. Texas' current attorney general, Greg Abbott, joined Bracewell in 2001 after stepping down from the state Supreme Court. He spent 17 months at the firm while running for attorney general, and Oxford served as co-chairman of his campaign. The biggest political catch before Giuliani was former Montana Gov. Marc Racicot, whom Oxford helped bring to the firm's Washington, D.C., office in 2001. While at Bracewell, Racicot served as chairman of the Republican National Committee (from 2002 to 2003), and was chairman of the Bush-Cheney 2004 election committee. (Racicot left the firm in 2005 and is now the president of the American Insurance Association.) Like many firms, Bracewell has a political action committee, which donated $412,323 in the 2004 and 2006 political cycles to Republicans and Democrats, according to, a nonpartisan database run by the Center for Responsive Politics. Since 2004, the firm's PAC has given about 60 percent of its money to the GOP. Oxford and his wife have donated more than $90,000 to Republican candidates and committees since 1993. Thirty-eight individuals at Bracewell have contributed $60,000 to Giuliani, with Oxford giving $5,000.

Oxford supervises fund raising for Giuliani, but says he's not really active in soliciting money. In the first quarter of this year, Giuliani raised $16.6 million nationwide, second to Mitt Romney among Republicans. Notably, several wealthy Texans in Giuliani's camp -- such as Pickens, Kinder and Hicks -- have been longtime donors to Oxford's political allies, Senators Hutchinson and Cornyn.

Oxford dismissed the notion that Bracewell's political connections could help Giuliani. "It's sort of a compliment that people think our firm has that type of clout," he said. He also downplayed his own political influence: "I am a medium-sized political functionary."

The money contributed by Bracewell lawyers and employees to Giuliani's campaign pales next to the compensation the candidate is getting from the firm. Bracewell has recently sought legal advice on whether the comfortable financial arrangement Giuliani enjoys at Bracewell is in compliance with federal election law. If a partner spends most of his time campaigning, his compensation could be considered an illegal contribution. "No employer can pay someone to run for office," says former Federal Election Commission Chairman Michael Toner, who is now a partner at Bryan Cave. The same analysis applies to compensation paid to anyone at the firm working on the campaign, such as Oxford. In April, Oxford said the firm was consulting with a couple of law firms on how the FEC might view these issues, but was confident that Bracewell was in compliance with the law. He added that the firm has not reduced his compensation or Giuliani's because of their campaign activities.

Toner, who has not been consulted by Bracewell, says the commission examines whether a firm is paying fair market value for the partner's activities for the firm. Toner notes that the FEC considered this issue in 2002 when James Talent ran for U.S. senator from Missouri while he was a partner at Arent Fox. The FEC's general counsel concluded that Talent's compensation was appropriate because he had attracted clients and provided legal services, and his pay was comparable to similarly qualified lawyers.

In addition to campaign finance issues, Bracewell has also had to worry about which client might be hauled out next for political inspection. Like most Houston firms, Bracewell represents a lot of oil and energy companies, which can make for easy targets by opponents. Among the firm's clients are: Royal Dutch Shell, Kinder Morgan (a successor to some of Enron Corp.'s operations), Valero Energy Corp., the National Petrochemical and Refiners Association and the Gas Processors Association. In early May the firm came under fire in a New York Times front-page article as a foe of environmental groups. "We believe we've been part of this country's success in making sensible environmental policy," Oxford told The American Lawyer, noting that the firm also represents alternative energy providers. "The best results happen when all sides are represented professionally and capably."

The poster child for disgraced clients, Enron, was not long ago Bracewell's biggest client, and Bracewell partner Carrin Patman is married to Enron former general counsel James Derrick Jr. The firm had to give back $5 million in preference payments after the company went bankrupt. Oxford doesn't apologize for the connection. "We had a great relationship with Enron until 2001," he said. "I joke that's we're the only certified clean law firm in the whole thing. We came through with flying colors." (Unlike Vinson & Elkins and Kirkland & Ellis, Bracewell was never sued over its work for Enron; the firm is also not mentioned in the extensive reports by Enron's bankruptcy examiner and the board's special committee.)

In March, Giuliani and Bracewell had to defend the firm's Texas lobbying for the Citgo, a U.S. subsidiary of Venezuela's state-owned oil company. Giuliani's campaign quickly distanced its candidate from that country's anti-American president, Hugo Chavez, saying that Giuliani did not work on this lobbying and that Chavez was "no friend of the United States." Since then, Oxford has said that the firm and Citgo have been winding up the relationship, but he insisted that this had nothing to do with politics. Instead, the Venezuelan government had been nationalizing companies represented by Bracewell, creating a conflict with continued representation of Citgo. "It's not because of Rudy, but plain old conflicts," Oxford said.

At least one Bracewell client has been dropped directly because of Giuliani. When partner Kenneth Caruso joined Bracewell's New York office from Chadbourne & Parke in 2005, he represented Saudi businessman Yousef Jameel. Jameel is one of more than 200 defendants sued by victims of the Sept. 11 attacks in Burnett v. al Baraka, which accuses the defendants of having funded or supported Al Qaeda. Upon joining Bracewell, Caruso stepped aside as lead counsel, but continued to work on the case, and listed it on his Bracewell Web site biography. During an interview with Caruso, in which a Bracewell public relations person was present, the partner fielded questions about the case. Soon after, Oxford told Caruso to get rid of it. "It's an emotional issue for Giuliani," Oxford explains, adding, "We had a little bit of a misunderstanding with Ken. When I found out about it, I said, 'Look, buddy, you need to wind this up.' " Oxford sounded surprised to hear that the case was promoted on Bracewell's Web site: "Oh, shit!" he exclaimed.

In his two years at Bracewell, Giuliani's main contribution has been to serve as a living, breathing icon. "He's done a wonderful job for me at some client dinners," says management committee partner Mark Evans. He notes that when Bracewell hired corporate partner Mark Palmer from Linklaters, Giuliani agreed to meet with the lateral's top five clients in the first 48 hours. The former mayor can also be a hiring magnet, Evans adds: "When you're recruiting fourth- or fifth-year associates, it's helpful for them to be able to see him."

Oxford said in March 2005 that he hoped Giuliani would recruit more than 50 lawyers in two years. "We've grown considerably faster than projected," Giuliani said in February. "Next year we will be three times ahead of where should be." At the end of March 2007, though, the office had 32 lawyers, not 50. The recruits included lateral partners from McDermott Will & Emery, Chadbourne & Parke, and Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman. Bracewell has since picked up a significant practice with the hiring of Evan Flaschen, the co-head of Bingham McCutchen's financial restructuring group, and three partners who followed him from that firm. (The firm had to open a Hartford office for Flaschen.)

When it comes to Giuliani's actual workload, the firm at times seems confused about what its name partner is doing. In September 2006 Bracewell prepared a press release for its role representing Spanish bank Banco Santander Central Hispano, S.A., in a $651 million purchase of a majority stake in Drive Financial Services, a subprime auto lender. The firm cited Giuliani first in the list of Bracewell lawyers who worked on the deal. One lawyer representing Drive Financial was surprised to hear of Giuliani's role. "If he was involved in the transaction, that's news to me," says James Skochdopole of Dallas' Bell Nunnally & Martin. "I didn't see or hear of him at all." Oxford called the press release a "mistake," clarifying that Giuliani was not involved in that deal to his knowledge. Instead, he said, Giuliani played a role in another project for Banco Santander, helping to ease some regulatory concerns arising from its acquisition of a stake in U.S. bank Sovereign Bancorp Inc.

The New York partners all emphasize how busy that office is. Corporate partner Palmer does private equity work for MatlinPatterson Global Advisers LLC and represented it in its acquisition of bankrupt Varig's air freight division. Litigation partner Caruso represents The Bank of New York Company Inc., in litigation over BP shutting down the Prudhoe Bay, Alaska oil pipeline. Marc Mukasey, who joined the firm from the U.S. Attorney's Office in Manhattan and heads its white-collar group, led an independent investigation into stock option backdating for Affiliated Computer Services Inc. Connolly represents a Sutton Place apartment building in an appeal stemming from a dispute with New York over structural repairs.

Connolly and Hess -- whose services were part of the $10 million payment from Bracewell to Giuliani Partners -- continue to split their time with that business. Hess, 66, initially served as managing partner of the New York office, but now does little for Bracewell. A former New York corporation counsel (the city's top lawyer), he was not made available for an interview. Connolly, 43, took over as office managing partner in 2006, although he had never worked at a law firm before. He notes that when he served as special counsel to the New York City corporation counsel's office, he had management duties over an 800-lawyer office. At Bracewell, he spends most of his time on management.

The New York office isn't yet in the black, but it's "trending in the right direction," Oxford said. Last year, he said, it lost $2 million to $3 million less than expected. The office initially depressed equity partner profits throughout the firm; they fell from $620,000 in 2004 to $595,000 in 2005. Revenue also slipped. Oxford said the firm endured a bad first quarter in 2005, and jokingly attributed part of it to "water cooler talk" about Giuliani's pending move to Bracewell that distracted partners and decreased billings. Those numbers rebounded last year, with profits per equity partner increasing 16 percent to $689,000, and revenue rising 17 percent to $202 million. Bracewell still trails far behind its bigger Houston competitors. Vinson & Elkins grossed more than twice as much, $532 million, and reported profits per equity partner of $1.125 million; Baker Botts collected $503 million in revenue, and had profits per partner of $1.094 milion.

Oxford said he did a "tremendous amount of due diligence" on Giuliani before inviting him into the firm. The managing partner acknowledged that Giuliani once had a reputation as a "hard charger," and years ago "probably was perceived as being more ambitious." But Giuliani is different now, said Oxford. "Rudy had been through a couple things. He subsequently learned he had prostate cancer, and [then came] Sept. 11. He's never shown any of the characteristics here that irritated people at the U.S. Attorney's Office and [his former law firm] White & Case. He's just a human being who has made mistakes and learned."

In the past, Giuliani's attempt to juggle a law firm partnership with a political campaign has created problems for his partners. In 1989 he stepped down after six years as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York and prepared for his first (and unsuccessful) run for mayor of New York. At the same time, Giuliani joined White & Case as a partner. "It didn't work out," says James Hurlock, who was then managing partner of White & Case and is now retired. Hurlock calls the hiring a mistake and says that Giuliani didn't contribute enough, adding, "He was busy running for public office." Giuliani discusses his time at White & Case in "Leadership," in a chapter called "Surround Yourself with Great People." He didn't fit in at the firm, he writes, because it lacked that "sense of adventure" he craved.

In 1990 Giuliani joined Anderson Kill & Olick. Giuliani reminisces fondly about that time in his book, and describes a series of interesting cases he handled. But according to Wayne Barrett's book, "Rudy! An Investigative Biography of Rudy Giuliani," Giuliani spent the bulk of his time at Anderson Kill on his second run for mayor. In 1992 he billed 177 hours, the lowest of any partner in the firm, according to Barrett. In early 1993 Giuliani's name was placed on a list of partners who should be asked to leave, and he departed soon after. Today all seems forgiven. "We were honored to have him be our colleague and wish him the best," says Jeffrey Glatzer, the firm's president and chief executive officer. Asked about the problems Barrett cited, Glatzer responds, "I don't have any real comment on that at all. ... Whatever is in the public record is there."

Several lawyers who have known Giuliani for decades treat his tenure at Bracewell as a topic they dare not, or care not, to broach. John Gross, a partner at Proskauer Rose, is treasurer for Giuliani's campaign. He's known Giuliani since they were federal prosecutors together, and they were both partners at Anderson Kill. Asked if Giuliani considered coming to Proskauer before choosing Bracewell, Gross scoffed: "To do what? He's got two other businesses!" Gross sounded uninterested in why his longtime friend joined the Texas firm: "I have no idea whatsoever." When queried on how Bracewell is doing in New York, he responded: "I know nothing about it whatsoever, other than they have a nice reception area and a conference room. I haven't a clue." Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher partner Randy Mastro, who was deputy mayor under Giuliani, says, "I'm helping him in any way he needs me." But Mastro has not discussed Bracewell with him: "I have not really talked to him about his business affairs or law practice."

As Giuliani continues his run for president, it's likely that most of the talk will likewise be focused elsewhere. But, politics being politics, Giuliani is finding that his Bracewell connection is creating some awkwardness. Earlier this year, however, Giuliani sounded completely unconcerned. "There's not a single negative in it," he said in February about his tenure at Bracewell. "If I do not win, I would like to stay here for the rest of my life." Love will find a way.

Rudy's Rise

1970 Joins U.S. Attorneys Office in Manhattan after graduating from New York University Law School
1975 Moves to U.S. Department of Justice as an associate deputy attorney general
1977 Becomes a partner at Patterson Belknap
1981 Returns to Justice as associate attorney general, the No. 3 post
1983 Appointed U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York
1989 Joins White & Case as partner
1989 Loses in first campaign for mayor of New York
1990 Returns to a private firm as a partner at Anderson Kill & Olick
1993 Elected mayor of New York (re-elected in 1997)
2002 Ends term as mayor a few months after 9/11; starts consulting businesses
2005 Joins Bracewell & Patterson as a partner; firm changes its name to Bracewell & Giuliani

Bracewell & Giuliani

Lawyers: 332
Total Partners: 165
Associates and others: 167
Gross: $201.5 million
Net: $74 million
Revenue per Lawyer: $605,000
Profit per Partner: $690,000
Compensation -- All Partners: $600,000
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Will Evangelicals vote for an ultra-liberal Republican?

by James Buchanan

In a completely bizarre move, Pat Robertson has endorsed Rudy Giuliani for president. Giuliani is famous for supporting Gay marriage and abortion. Giuliani has also been married three times and has occasionally appeared in public dressed in drag.

Pat Robertson is the head of the Christian Coalition, a loose collection of protestant cliques, some of which are obsessed with the notion of being raptured before the battle of Armageddon. Robertson has just made the “mother of all moral compromises” by jumping on Giuliani’s bandwagon. Will his followers hold their nose and vote for Giuliani or will this endorsement fall on deaf ears?

Giuliani is supported by the neocons and the Israeli Lobby. He is totally willing to use the US military to wage war on any nation that Israel is the slightest bit paranoid about. A Giuliani victory in 2008 would be a guarantee of a war on Iran for the sake of Israel.

Texas governor clears way for NAFTA superhighway
Vetoes legislation to delay big transportation corridor

Posted: June 22, 2007
1:00 a.m. Eastern

© 2007

The path has been cleared for the state of Texas to begin building the new Trans-Texas Corridor, a project that is designed to be four football fields wide, along Interstate 35 from Mexico to the Oklahoma border, according to a new report from WND columnist Jerome Corsi, the author of "The Late Great USA."

The way was opened when Texas Gov. Rick Perry, a Republican, vetoed a series of proposals the Texas Legislature assembled to slow down the work on what is considered to be a key link in a continental NAFTA superhighway network.

Perry's latest veto was of a plan to add a number of requirements to the Texas eminent-domain procedures, under which governments can grab and use private property.

But, Corsi reported, Steven Anderson of the Institute for Justice's Castle Coalition, objected. He said Perry's action "left every home, farm, ranch and small-business owner vulnerable to the abuse of eminent domain."

Earlier, Corsi reported, Perry vetoed a plan to impose a two-year moratorium on the TTC project.

As WND previously reported, these measures were approved overwhelmingly by the Texas Legislature.

On learning that Perry had vetoed the eminent-domain legislation, Corridor Watch, a public advocacy group that opposes the TTC project, responded immediately.

"It sure didn't take TxDOT long to shake off the legislative session and resume their headlong rush to use every available loophole, exception and remaining authority to build toll roads and grant toll road concessions just as fast as possible," the organization said.

Corridor Watch also noted that in the 49 bills Perry vetoed June 15 were measures that would have required TxDOT to consider using existing highway routes for future TTC routes and a bill that called on the Texas attorney general to study the impact of international agreements on Texas.

An override of Perry's vetoes is unlikely, since the governor threatened to call a special session of the lawmakers to handle transportation issues if his veto fell by the wayside.

As WND has previously reported, the $180 billion needed to build the 4,000-mile TTC network planned for construction over the next 50 years will be financed by Cintra Concesiones de Infraestructuras de Transporte, S.A., a foreign investment consortium based in Spain. Cintra will own the leasing and operating rights on TTC highways for 50 years after their completion is complete.

WND also has reported Perry has received substantial campaign contributions from Cintra and Zachry Construction Company, the San Antonio-based construction firm selected by TxDOT to build out the TTC.

And WND has established that Cintra is represented in the United States by Bracewell and Giuliani, Republican Party presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani's Houston-based law firm.

Just this week, WND reported TxDOT already is moving to apply its four-football-fields-wide NAFTA superhighway plan of building new train-truck-car-pipeline corridors to the states of Oklahoma and Colorado in a design that stretches from the Mexican border at Laredo, Texas, to Denver, Colo.

WND has documented a significant reason for the projects is to connect truck traffic from Mexican ports on the Pacific, such as Lazaro Cardenas, to U.S. roads. Mexican ports are being increasingly used as an alternative to West Coast ports such as Los Angeles and Long Beach as a cheaper, non-union alternative for the import of millions of containers from China.

WND also has reported the Department of Transportation plans to start a Mexican truck demonstration project as early as Aug. 15, despite continuing objections from Congress.

Related offer:

Get Corsi's latest book, autographed: "The Late Great USA: The Coming Merger with Mexico and Canada"


Previous stories:

NAFTA superhighway extends north

NAFTA superhighway lobbying moves north

Anti-'superhighway' bill prompts backlash

Battle with feds brewing over 'superhighway'

Feds threaten Texas over superhighway funds plan

NAFTA Superhighway hits bump in road

Houston: The Wal-Mart of North American Union

Commerce chief pushes for 'North American integration'

Idaho lawmakers want out of SPP

Texas Ports plan for Chinese containers

'Don't pave our land' Farm Bureau pleads

Lawmaker battles Trans-Texas Corridor

House resolution opposes North American Union

U.S. parkway leased to Aussie firm

Residents of planned union to be 'North Americanists'

Official calls super highway 'urban legend'

10 most underreported stories of 2006


Congressman battles North Americanization

North American Union leader says merger just crisis away

Analysts: Dollar collapse would result in 'amero'

U.S. dollar facing imminent collapse?

London stock trader urges move to 'amero'

'Bush doesn't think America should be an actual place'

Mexico ambassador: We need N. American Union in 8 years

Congressman: Superhighway about North American Union

'North American Union' major '08 issue?

Resolution seeks to head off union with Mexico, Canada

Documents reveal 'shadow government'

Tancredo: Halt 'Security and Prosperity Partnership'

North American Union threat gets attention of congressmen

Top U.S. official chaired N. American confab panel

N. American students trained for 'merger'

North American confab 'undermines' democracy

Attendance list North American forum

North American Forum agenda

North American merger topic of secret confab

Feds finally release info on 'superstate'

Senator ditches bill tied to 'superstate'

Congressman presses on 'superstate' plan

Feds stonewalling on 'super state' plan?

Cornyn wants U.S. taxpayers to fund Mexican development

No EU in U.S.

Trans-Texas Corridor paved with campaign contributions?

U.S.-Mexico merger opposition intensifies

More evidence of Mexican trucks coming to U.S.

Docs reveal plan for Mexican trucks in U.S.

Kansas City customs port considered Mexican soil?

Tancredo confronts 'superstate' effort

Bush sneaking North American superstate without oversight?

Related commentary:

Superhighway a 'crazy conspiracy theory'?

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Giuliani Jeered for Opposing Fair Tax

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. (AP) -- Republican presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani ran into a buzz saw of opposition Saturday when he explained his opposition to elimination of the federal income tax and replacing it with a so-called "fair tax" based on consumption.

Giuliani addressed a group of about 500 people in a standing-room only crowd at a town hall meeting at the University of North Florida, answering questions for about 30 minutes on a variety of topics from Iraq and Iran to Social Security and his plan for tax cuts.

Several dozen people jeered when Giuliani, in response to a question, said he would not be in favor of what they call the fair tax.

"I have to study it some more," the former New York City mayor said. "I don't think a fair tax is realistic change for America. Our economy is dependent upon the way our tax system operates."

"Fair tax" proposals would abolish federal income taxes and other federal taxes and replace them with a form of national sales tax.

Giuliani emphasized he supported a simplified tax system and cuts in federal taxes, including elimination of the so-called death tax, but his response to the fair tax question brought some cat calls and jeers. "I have a real question whether it would be the right transition for our economy," he said.

"I am disappointed in him," said Ken Mertz of Fernandia Beach, who was wearing a "Fair Tax" hat. "But he did say he would look into it."

At a news conference after his speech, Giuliani said taxes would go down under his presidency, saying his philosophy was different from the Democrats. "They want to see them go up," he said.

In response to another question, Giuliani warned against pulling out of Iraq, saying it would create a country run by terrorists. And he said Iran should be kept from getting nuclear weapons.

"No way, no how should Iran be a nuclear power," he said.

Giuliani was serving as grand marshal at the Daytona International Speedway's Pepsi 400 later Saturday.

GREENVILLE, S.C. (AP) - New Mexico governor and presidential candidate Bill Richardson urged South Carolina Democrats on Saturday to avoid making a hasty decision before next year's primary race.

Richardson met with about 100 party activists as part of a two-day swing through the early primary state.

"My only message here is don't make a decision based on who raises the most money, who has the greatest political pedigree ... but who has the best vision for America," he said. "Don't let the media tell you who the next president will be."

Richardson's campaign reported raising $7 million in the year's second quarter, more than he raised in the first, but far behind Illinois Sen. Barack Obama ($31 million), New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton ($21 million) and South Carolina native John Edwards ($9 million).

Richardson, a former ambassador to the United Nations and energy secretary under Bill Clinton, listed his priorities as president including removing U.S. troops from Iraq "within a short period" and holding direct talks with Iran and Syria.

"They're bad folks," he said. "But you don't have peace talks with your friends."

Richardson also said he would set a fuel-efficiency goal of 50 miles per gallon as part of an energy plan to make the nation less dependent on foreign oil while improving the environment.


DAVENPORT, Iowa (AP) - The Davenport campaign headquarters for Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., was burglarized Friday night.

Tommy Vietor, a spokesman for the Obama campaign, said two laptop computers and some campaign literature were taken. A campaign worker discovered the burglary Saturday morning, and a report was filed with Davenport police.

"It doesn't appear that it was anything sensitive or irreplaceable," Vietor said.

© 2007 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.




None of this may matter much. Most of the Democratic candidates lack military experience, too. But when the most belligerent Republicans start to beat the war drums, it's important to look at what they're trying to hide.

Consider Giuliani, the former New York mayor who has remained among the most vocal supporters of the invasion and occupation of Iraq. He never hesitates to suggest that politicians with differing opinions simply lack guts. When he spoke at the 2004 Republican convention, he gleefully insinuated that Democratic nominee John Kerry lacked the fortitude to combat terrorism. Now he denigrates the supposedly spineless Democrats running for president in 2008.

But he has always confined his enthusiasm for war to podium speeches and position papers. Born in 1944, young Rudy was highly eligible for military service when he reached his 20s during the Vietnam War. He did not volunteer for combat -- as Kerry did -- and instead found a highly creative way to dodge the draft.

During his years as an undergraduate at Manhattan College and then at New York University Law School, Giuliani qualified for a student deferment. Upon graduation from law school in 1968, he lost that temporary deferment and his draft status reverted to 1-A, the designation awarded to those most qualified for induction into the Army.

At the same time, Giuliani won a clerkship with federal Judge Lloyd McMahon in the fabled Southern District of New York, where he would become the United States attorney. He naturally had no desire to trade his ticket on the legal profession's fast track for latrine duty in the jungle. So he quickly applied for another deferment based on his judicial clerkship. This time the Selective Service System denied his claim.

That was when the desperate Giuliani prevailed upon his boss to write to the draft board, asking them to grant him a fresh deferment and reclassification as an "essential" civilian employee. As the great tabloid columnist Jimmy Breslin noted 20 years later, during the former prosecutor's first campaign for mayor: "Giuliani did not attend the war in Vietnam because federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon [sic] wrote a letter to the draft board in 1969 and got him out. Giuliani was a law clerk for MacMahon, who at the time was hearing Selective Service cases. MacMahon's letter to Giuliani's draft board stated that Giuliani was so necessary as a law clerk that he could not be allowed to get shot at in Vietnam."

His clerkship ended the following year but his luck held firm. By then President Nixon had transformed the Selective Service into a lottery system, and despite Rudy's renewed 1-A status, he drew a high lottery number and was never drafted.

Today Giuliani's problem is not avoiding military service but explaining how and why he avoided it. A spokesperson for the candidate recently told New York magazine that he "has made it clear that if he had been called up, he would have served," which doesn't quite expiate his strenuous efforts to make sure that never happened. Giuliani opposed the Vietnam War for "strategic and tactical" reasons as well, according to his flack. Of course, that sounds much like the bipartisan dissent against the Iraq war that he now dismisses so contemptuously.

If Giuliani has a draft problem, Romney's may be even worse. The former Massachusetts governor, whose supporters object strenuously to any discussion of his religious beliefs, got his military service deferred thanks to the Mormon church.

Like Giuliani and millions of other young American men at the time, Romney started out with student deferments. But he left Stanford after only two semesters in 1966 and would have become eligible for the draft -- except that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints in Michigan, his home state, provided him with a fresh deferment as a missionary. According to an excellent investigative series that appeared last month in the Boston Globe, that deferment, which described Romney as a "minister of religion or divinity student," protected him from the draft between July 1966 and February 1969, when he enrolled in Brigham Young University to complete his undergraduate degree. Mormons in each state could select a limited number of young men upon whom to confer missionary status during the Vietnam years, and Romney was fortunate enough to be chosen. (Coincidentally, or possibly not, Mitt's father, George W. Romney, was governor of Michigan at the time.)

Now Romney echoes Giuliani by asserting that if he had been called, he would have served. "I was supportive of my country," he told Globe reporter Michael Kranish. "I longed in many respects to actually be in Vietnam and be representing our country there and in some ways it was frustrating not to feel like I was there as part of the troops that were fighting in Vietnam." Perhaps. But it is hard to blame Romney for choosing missionary work over military service. After all, the Mormons didn't send him to proselytize in the slums of the Philippines, Guatemala or Kenya.

They sent him to France.