DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT
THE DREAM AND THE REALITY
LETS HOPE THIS ISN'T A FUTURE PROPHECY
compiled by Dee Finney
|DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT
8-13-2002 - DREAM - I was living in an apartment in the Executive Building of Allis-Chalmers in West Allis, WI. I had a job working for A-C as well.
I looked at the clock on the wall and it was 7:30 a.m. I had to be to work by 8:00 a.m.
I had just gotten up and was trying to get to work on time, but was communicating with friends on the phone at the same time.
Rather than eating a decent breakfast, I swigged down the last of last nights open bottles of beer and wine, and then laughed about it.
I went into the bathroom and looked in the mirror while I brushed my hair. It looked like the women from the 1940's.
One of the women I talked to on the phone told me her name was DIASPORA. (She pronounced it 'Dispora") (This is not the first time I've met this woman by this name) While I was talking to her, she was suddenly in the room with me.
I had originally put on a winter coat, but it was too warm for that and I ended up with a layered look, a pink and yellow plaid shirt with a yellow blouse over it, with a blue sweater over that.
I tried using one of those little AVON sample lipsticks, but it was soft, so I threw it across the room to one of the little girls there and went looking for the regular large size lipsticks.
Meanwhile DIASPORA had been cleaning my house and had shoved everything I needed into various drawers of a grey dresser, so I'd never find them again. Nothing was where I could find it and use it.
But I didn't have time to worry about that now. I had to get to work, so I just went out into the hallway. There were many other women just heading out to work as well. They were all wearing spring coats.
I decided I'd follow them down the steps instead of using the elevator and when I did, on the stairs were stacked folded sweaters with large numbers on them. They were green sweaters with red numbers on them. I as looking at the number upsidedown as they were facing away from me, but I recognized 84 and 87 right on top of the stacks.
I got outside and directly across the street, about 100 guys were trying to get into the factory building of A-C. They were locked out by a man named John, they said. (A-C once employed over 25,000 people, but had sold off portions of the business, moved some divisions to the south for cheap labor and no unions and then basically went downhill from there. Even the pension plan went bankrupt in the early 80's when I worked there)
These guys were trying to get in the building to go to work and had been locked out. If they had been allowed to work, they would have been fine, but being out on the street, they were starting to riot and it was getting ugly. What had started out as anger over trying to get to work, the men were turning against each other - black against white.
Some of the guys had been scouring the neighborhood for sticks and there were many of them laying on the ground, ready to be used for weapons against each other. The men were getting angrier and angrier, as I walked by, trying to avoid getting hit with a stick that they were now beginning to pick up and threaten each other instead of the company.
I attempted to walk by them so I wouldn't get hit by flailing sticks, but I ended up in a fenced off place that was made of black sticks in a rough fashion similar to what the men were going to hit each other with. The fence was like a blockade, just to prevent people from from one place to another.
So I had to go a different direction to get to work and here I was walled in by the people who were selling cheap goods, and old leftover food, like cold congealed oatmeal.
One woman as actually cooking something where I could smell its wonderful aroma, but she had it half hidden so I would be tempted by tis wonderful smell. I asked her if I could get through that way and she said emphatically, "NO!"
Suddenly I realized i was dreaming and that I wanted this frustration to end and forced myself to wake up so I could go to work for real.
Main Entry: di·as·po·ra
Pronunciation: dI-'as-p(&-)r&, dE-
Etymology: Greek, dispersion, from diaspeirein to scatter, from dia- + speirein to sow
1 : capitalized a : the settling of scattered colonies of Jews outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile b : the area outside Palestine settled by Jews c : the Jews living outside Palestine or modern Israel
2 a : the breaking up and scattering of a people : MIGRATION <the black diaspora to northern cities> b : people settled far from their ancestral homelands <African diaspora> c : the place where these people live
|Di·as·po· ra \di-'as-pe re\ n [ Gk, dispersion, fr. Diaspeirein to scatter,fr. Dia- + speirein to show ] the breaking up and scattering of a people; people settled far from their ancestral homelands; the places where these people live.|
DIASPORA ISN'T JUST ABOUT THE JEWS
Diaspora (Or DISPERSION).
Diaspora was the name given to the countries (outside of Palestine) through which the Jews were dispersed, and secondarily to the Jews living in those countries. The Greek term, diaspora, corresponds to the Hebrew word meaning "exile" (cf. Jer., xxiv, 5). It occurs in the Greek version of the Old Testament, e.g. Deut., xxviii, 25; xxx, 4, where the dispersion of the Jews among the nations is foretold as the punishment of their apostasy. In John, vii, 35, the word is used implying disdain: "The Jews therefore said among themselves: Whither will he go, that we shall not find him? Will he go unto the dispersed among the Gentiles?" Two of the Catholic Epistles, viz. that of James and I Peter, are addressed to the neophytes of the Diaspora. In Acts, ii, are enumerated the principal countries from which the Jews came who heard the Apostles preach at Pentecost, everyone "in his own tongue". The Diaspora was the result of the various deportations of Jews which invariably followed the invasion or conquest of Palestine. The first deportation took place after the capture of Samaria by Shalmaneser (Salmanasar) and Sargon, when a portion of the Ten Tribes were carried into the regions of the Euphrates and into Media, 721 B.C. (IV Kings, xvii). In 587 B.C. the Kingdom of Juda was transported into Mesopotamia.
When, about fifty years later, Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to their country, only the poorer and more fervent availed themselves of the permission The richer families remained in Babylonia forming the beginning of a numerous and influential community. The conquests of Alexander the Great caused the spreading of Jews throughout Asia and Syria. Seleucus Nicator made the Jews citizens in the cities he built in his dominions, and gave them equal rights with the Greeks and Macedonians. (Josephus, Antiquities, XII, iii, l.) Shortly after the transportation of Juda into Babylonia a number of Jews who had been left in Palestine voluntarily emigrated into Egypt. (Jer., xlii-xliv.) They formed the nucleus of the famous Alexandrine colony. But the great transportation into Egypt was effected by Ptolemy Soter. "And Ptolemy took many captives both from the mountainous parts of Judea and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria and led them into Egypt and settled them there" (Antiquities, XII, I, 1).
In Rome there was already a community of Jews at the time of Caesar. It is mentioned in a decree of Caesar cited by Josephus (Ant., XLV, x, 8). After the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus thousands of Jewish slaves were placed upon the market. They formed the nucleus of settlements in Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul. At the time of the Apostles the number of Jews in the Diaspora was exceedingly great. The Jewish author of the Sibylline Oracles (2nd century B.C.) could already say of his countrymen: "Every land and every sea is full of them" (Or. Sib., III, 271). Josephus mentioning the riches of the temple says: "Let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth sent their contributions" (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). The Jews of the Diaspora paid a temple tax, a kind of Peter's-pence; a didrachma being required from every male adult. The sums transmitted to Jerusalem were at times so large as to cause an inconvenient drainage of gold, which more than once induced the Roman government either to stop the transmittance or even to confiscate it.
Though the Diaspora Jews were, on the whole, faithful to their religion, there was a noticeable difference of theological opinion between the Babylonian and Alexandrine Jew. In Mesopotamia the Jews read and studied the Bible in Hebrew. This was comparatively easy to them since Chaldee, their vernacular, was kindred to the Hebrew. The Jews in Egypt and throughout Europe, commonly called Hellenistic Jews, soon forgot Hebrew. A Greek version of the Bible, the Septuagint, was made for them. The consequence was that they were less ardent in the punctilious observance of their Law. Like the Samaritans they showed a schismatic tendency by erecting a rival temple to that in Jerusalem. It was built by the son of Onias the high-priest in Leontopolis in Lower Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, 160 B.C., and was destroyed 70 B.C. (Ant., XIII, iii, sects. 2, 3). It is a curious fact that whereas Hellenistic Judaism became the soil in which Christianity took root and waxed strong, the colony in Babylonia remained a stronghold of orthodox Judaism and produced its famous Talmud. The deeply-rooted antagonism between the Jews and Greeks made the amalgamation of the two races impossible. Though some of the Seleucids and Ptolemies, such as Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus the Great, were favourable towards the Jews, there was constant friction between the two elements in Syria and Egypt. Occasional pillage and massacre were the inevitable result. Thus on one occasion the Greeks in Seleucia and Syria massacred some 50,000 Jews (Ant., XVIII, ix, 9). On another occasion the Jews, getting the upper hand in Cyprus, killed the Greek inhabitants of Salamis and were in consequence banished from the island (Dio Cassius, LXVIII, 23). In Alexandria it was found necessary to confine the Jews to a separate quarter, or ghetto. The Roman Empire was on the whole well-disposed towards the Jews of the Diaspora. They had everywhere the right of residence and could not be expelled. The two exceptions were the expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Tiberius (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5) and under Claudius (Acts, xviii, 2). But both these instances were of short duration. Their cult was declared a religio licita. All communities had their synagogue, proseuchai or sabbateia, which served also as libraries and places of assembly. The most famous was that in Antioch (De bell. Jud., VII, iii 3). They had their cemeteries; in Rome, like the Christians, they buried their dead in catacombs. They were allowed freely to observe their sabbaths, festivals, and dietary laws. They were exempt from the emperor-worship and from military service. Many Jews enjoyed Roman citizenship, e.g. St. Paul (Acts, xvi, 37-39). In many places the Jewish community formed a recognized organization with administrative, judicial, and financial powers. It was ruled by a council called gerousia, composed of elders, presbyteroi, at the head of which was the archon. Another token of the freedom which the Jews enjoyed throughout the empire was their active propagandism (cf. Matt., xxiii, 15). The neophytes were called phoboumenoi or sebomenoi, i.e. God-fearing (Acts, xiii, 16, 26, 43; Antiquities, XIV, vii, 2). Their number appears to have been very great. St. Paul met them in almost all the cities he visited. Josephus, praising the excellence of the Law, says: "the multitude of mankind itself has had a great inclination to follow our religious observances. There is not a city of the Grecians or Sabarians, where our customs and the prohibition as to our food are not observed" etc. (Contra Apion., II, xl). Many of the converts were distinguished persons, e.g. Aguila, the chamberlain of the Queen of Candace (Acts, viii, 26 sq.); Azizus, King of Emesa, and Polemo, King of Cilicia (Ant.,.xx, vii); the patrician lady Fulvia (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5).
Jewish Encyc. s. v. Dispersion; SCHURER, Geschichte des judischen Volkes (Leipzig, 1890); GRATZ, Geschichte der Juden; RENAN, Les Apétres; MOMMSEN, The Provinces of the Roman Empire (tr. London, l886). A list of the countries of the Diaspora is given by PHILO, Leg. ad Caium, 36.
C. VAN DEN BIESEN
Transcribed by Joseph E. O'Connor
|IRANIAN DIASPORA - PRE-ISLAMIC
By Mary Boyce
DIASPORA, IRANIAN, IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES. The Achaemenid empire attained its fullest extent under its first three kings; and for the next two centuries or so Iranians colonized in numbers the most attractive of its non-Iranian territories. Alexander's conquest of the empire in the 4th century B.C.E. led, under his successors, to those colonists being cut off from Persia, but they proved generally able to maintain their ethnic and cultural identity under alien rule for many generations.
Information about the original colonists is meager, but at its best for Egypt (largely from Aramaic papyri) and Asia Minor (from notices by Greek writers, a small number of tomb-carvings, Aramaic inscriptions, and significant devices on satrapal coins). There is also the evidence of personal and place names. That of personal names can only be safely used, however, to identify Iranians where there is additional information, or when such names occur in groups, or in significant associations and settings, because during the Achaemenid period Persian names were sometimes adopted quite extensively by their non-Iranian subjects.
Even in post-Achaemenid times some Persian names (notably Mitradata/Mithradates, and other Mithra-names) were used by non-Iranians in western regions. Conversely, some individuals of Persian descent under Macedonian rule are known to have adopted Greek names. The hereditary high priests of the temple of Anaitis at Hypaipa in Lydia provide a striking instance. For all regions except Egypt most of the evidence for the Iranian diaspora comes from post-Achaemenid times.
Most satrapies of the empire were governed by Persians, the wealthier and most important ones being generally entrusted to royal princes; but some of the minor non-Iranian satrapies became hereditary fiefs in the families of Persian nobles, who settled permanently there. Damascus may have been one instance, but the certain examples are Dascylium and Eastern Armenia.
All satrapal courts would have been frequented by the local Iranian nobility, and, reflecting the customs and manners of the imperial court, would have been centers of Persian culture. In foreign parts which were attractive to Iranians many Persian landowners received their estates from the king with the duty of rendering military service when called on. Many of these fiefdoms were probably granted as a result of confiscations after conquest, but the smaller populations of those days would also have allowed for new estates to be created in fertile areas.
The Iranians were not an urban people, and the way of life which these expatriates followed appears to have reflected that of Iran itself, with the nobles living for much of the year on their estates. In Cappadocia, with important highroads and passes that needed guarding, many hilltop fortresses are recorded, a number of which were presumably from Achaemenid times the seats of Persian nobles.
In Lydia, with its fertile river-valleys, the only dwelling of a Persian landowner to be described was a fortified manor house on his own estate. He had armed retainers in his service, as well as slaves to work the land; and when the house was attacked by Greek raiders, a beacon was lit which brought a Persian neighbor to his aid, with his own body of fighting men. Some official forces also responded to the alarm, and the marauders were driven off. The incident suggests a number of Persian estates in this, and doubtless other, fertile regions of western Asia Minor, with mutual support among the landowners and in general effective Persian vigilance and control.
The royal road which led from Sardis, Lydia's capital, east to Susa and Persepolis was said to pass for its whole length "through country that is inhabited and safe." This great highway made much of central Asia Minor accessible to Iranian colonists, who were attracted by its valleys and wide plains. Noble fiefholders naturally had an interest in developing their estates, and this interest was quickened in them as Zoroastrians, for whom good cultivation of the land is a religious duty.
Zoroastrian priests themselves were an important element in the Iranian diaspora. Armies would have been accompanied by many priests, some ministering to officers, others to men, and when ex-soldiers were settled on the land, their priests with their families presumably remained with them. Other priests are likely to have come out with the peasant farmers, and more exalted ones with the nobility. Originally they were known collectively in eastern Mediterranean lands as magousaioi, a Greco-Semitic plural for Persian magu "Mage, priest"; but in time, locally at least, this term came to be used for Persian colonists generally, with Greek magoi used for the priests themselves. As these usages suggest, to outside observers all Iranians were Zoroastrians, ethnic and religious labels being used interchangeably, and this probably reflects the broad reality.
As in Persia, so in the diaspora, in addition to priests who ministered
to lay families in the traditional way, there were temple priests. There
is a fair amount of information about Zoroastrian sanctuaries in Asia Minor,
the oldest according to tradition being at Zela in Pontic Cappadocia, founded
in the 6th century B.C.E. by Cyrus II the Great himself or his generals.
According to the Iranian custom of worshipping in high places, the sanctuary
was established on a hill, banked up yet higher and encircled by a wall.
Later this hill bore one of the imposing temples to Anahid, by which the
presence of Iranians is strikingly attested in Asia Minor.
THE INDIAN DIASPORA
The Indian diaspora today constitutes an important, and in some respects unique, force in world culture. The origins of the modern Indian diaspora lie mainly in the subjugation of India by the British and its incorporation into the British empire. Indians were taken over as indentured labor to far-flung parts of the empire in the nineteenth-century, a circumstance to which the modern Indian populations of Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Surinam, Malaysia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and other places attest in their own peculiar ways. Over two million Indian men fought on behalf of the empire in numerous wars, including the Boer War and the two World Wars, and some remained behind to claim the land on which they had fought as their own. As if in emulation of their ancestors, many Gujarati traders once again left for East Africa in large numbers in the early part of the twentieth century. Finally, in the post-World War II period, the dispersal of Indian labor and professionals has been a nearly world-wide phenomenon. Indians, and other South Asians, provided the labor that helped in the reconstruction of war-torn Europe, particularly the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and in more recent years unskilled labor from South Asia has been the main force in the transformation of the physical landscape of much of the Middle East. Meanwhile, in countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, Indians have made their presence visibly felt in the professions.
???? The Amerindians migrate to, and inhabit South America. The legend of the Empire Of Eldorado is born.
1593 -The earliest account of the territory of Guiana is made in a dispatch to the Royal Council of Spain in which the Governor of Trinidad, Antonio de Berreo, describes his journey down the Oronoco and his attempt to explore Guiana.
1594 -Sir Robert Dudley makes inquiries about the rumoured Empire of El Dorado when his ship puts in to Trinidad. A small boat is sent to investigate and its crew returns to say that the natives (Amerindians)had told them of gold-mines so rich that the people of the country powdered themselves with gold dust. 'And farre beyond them', they said, 'a great towne called El Dorado, with many other things.'
1598 -The Dutch make their first voyage to Guiana.
1621 - Dutch West India Company receives a charter for the Essequibo.
1640 - Slaves arrive in the colonies from Africa.
1657 -A small Dutch settlement is established on the Pomeroon River.
1666 - War breaks out between England and Holland.
1763 -The Berbice Slave Rebellion breaks out (at the time when Berbice is a separate Dutch colony). It begins on one estate, but soon spreads to others along the Berbice River. The revolt is the result of the cruelty with which the Dutch plantation owners have been treating their slaves, and it is led by a male slave called Coffy. The few hundred white settlers are soon overwhelmed, and the uprising will only be put down after the arrival of warships and with the help of troops from as far away as Barbados. [Coffy will commit suicide three months after the beginning of the affair . His followers will be hunted down for another year, before the Dutch authorities will be satisfied that the rebellion has been crushed.]
1781 -War breaks out between England and Holland. The colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice are taken by the English.
1782 - Some months later, the French, who are also at war with England (and who are the allies of Holland), under the command of the Marquis de Lusignan (whose name is perpetuated in the plantation of that name) take the three colonies. The French build Fort Dauphin at the mouth of the Demerara, and nearby, begin to build a new town - "Longchamps".
1783/4 - (a) The colonies are restored to Holland. (b)Longchamps is chosen as the site of the new colonial capital, later to be called Stabroek. (c) The Dutch move the seat of Government for the Demerara territory down river to its mouth, where they begin to build the town of Stabroek in a geometrical 'grid-iron' system of streets, divided by canals in the manner of their home-country. (d) The Dutch build a series of sluice-gates or kokers at points where the canals meet the Demerara estuary. At high tide, the kokers form a barrier between the Atlantic Ocean and the canals. At low tide they are opened to allow the accumulated water from the land to flow away.
1796 -War breaks out again between England and Holland. The colonies are taken by England, for the second time.
1802 -At the peace of Amiens, Guiana is returned to the Dutch. English settlers are given three years to wind up their affairs, and to then leave.
1803 - War breaks out again between England and Holland. In September, Hood arrives at the mouth of the Demerara, and demands the surrender of the Colony. Guiana is handed over without fighting, never again to be returned to Holland.
1814 - Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice are assigned to England during the Great peace.
1823 - There is a slave insurrection on the East Coast of Demerara.
1833 -The Act Of Abolition of slavery is passed. The slaves are not granted full freedom, but are bound to their masters for three-quarters of each day for a period of seven years.
1835 - Portuguese labourers are imported for work on the plantations. (Almost one thousand immigrant Portuguese die from tropical diseases).
1837 - John Gladstone suggests East Indian indentured labour as a solution to the drifting of Africans from the plantations to the towns. Permission is granted to bring 'Coolies' for his two plantations.
1838 - August 1st,"Full and unqualified liberation of the Negroes".
1838 - The first indentured labourers drawn from the hill areas of South India, arrive in Guiana. 156 East Indians arrive from Calcutta on the "Hesperus". They are under indenture for a five year period, and for the first part, they are housed and given rations, but are not paid. Great mistreatment of the labourers result in prosecution of some of the planters.
1839 - Four hundred German Rinelanders and Wurtembergers are enticed to British Guiana. (Almost all succumb to tropical diseases).
1843 - The end of the first period of indenture. Many of the labourers return to India.
The 1840's - England suspends the indentured labourer system. Immigrant labour from India, Portugal (mainly Madeira) and China is permitted, under Government control.
1853 - January 12th. The first contract Chinese labourers arrive in British Guiana on the "Glentanner". Most are assigned to Windsor Forest, Pouderoyen and La Jelousie estates.
1856 - February 18th,Georgetown riots - property of Portuguese destroyed.
1860 - March 11th. The first female Chinese labourers arrive on the "Whirlwind".
1874 - The last contract Chinese labourers arrive in Demerara.
1884 - The Promenade Garden is extended to its present (21st century)proportions on an entire city block (east of State House.) This area was once used as a public display for the hanging of slaves who were connected with the 1823 East Coast rebellion.
1904 - In June the King of Italy hands down his award in the arbitration proceedings between Brazil and British Guiana.
1917 - The Government of India abolishes the indentured system. No more East Indian labour is allowed to enter Guiana.
1928 - The Constitution is changed, and women are given the vote on the same terms as men.
1953 - The Waddington Constitution is suspended on December 22nd. The Royal Welsh Fusiliers are dispatched to British Guiana to control any outbreak of violence which may follow the suspension. The House Of Assembly is disbanded. All political parties are forbidden to hold meetings, and certain P.P.P. leaders are forbidden to leave Georgetown. The Legislative Council is now composed of nominated and ex-officio members.
1958 - The Legislative Council passes a resolution exhorting the British Government to grant Cabinet status to British Guiana, as it had conceded to both Trinidad and Jamaica.
1961 - Elections under Internal Self-Government Constitution. The PPP Party is victorious.
1962 - Arthur Schlesinger, U.S. Secretary of State visits British Guiana and concludes that Dr. Jagan's heart is with the Communist world, and although all alternatives to Dr. Jagan are terrible, he feels that if Mr. Burnham 'will commit himself to a multi-racial policy' an independent British Guiana under him would cause the U.S. fewer problems than one under Dr. Jagan.
The February Riot Commission sits from June 22 to 28th in Georgetown. Senior Counsel Lionel Luckhoo submits DR. Jagan to a robust examination in which Dr. Jagan admits that he is 'a communist'. The circumstances of this admission seriously affects the U.S. attitude to Dr. Jagan and to British Guiana and paves the way for their promotion of Mr. Burnham to political power in Guyana.
1963 - On June 21, 1963, as U.S. President John Kennedy and a high powered team prepares for a meeting with British Prime Minister Harold McMillan and his team at Birch Grove in the U.K., the State Department instructs its U.K. embassy by telegram to let it be known that McMillan had agreed that H.M.G. no longer has any faith in Dr. Jagan, preferring Mr. Burnham as the more manageable alternative. At the Birch Grove meeting, it is decided to establish a Burnham-D'Aguair Government and grant British Guiana independence.
Georgetown is declared a 'Proclamation Area' and another ban is put on all public meetings.
The Guyana Rice Marketing Board escapes being demolished when a large quantity of dynamite is discovered under the wharf. Two ships, one belonging to the Russian and the other Cuban, recently berthed, also escapes destruction.
1964 - Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Janet Jagan, resigns her post claiming she had no control over the police. Essentially her resignation is in protest of the police inaction to the violence perpetrated against Indians at Wismar-Christianburg earlier in May. Violence erupts on an intensified scale soon after the arrival on June 17 of a Cuban tanker M.V. Cuba bringing much needed fuel and gasoline to the colony. The forces opposed to the Government of the day had organized an embargo and as such, vital supplies of necessities were delayed. The Cuban vessel is interpreted as breaking the embargo and the opposition parties let loose the 'Gods of War' in Georgetown and its environs. The Parliament Building is blockaded by angry protesters who assault Ministers and civil servants who dare to remain on the job. An incendiary device is thrown into the Hadfield Street home of Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Works and Hydraulics, 52-year-old Mr. Arthur Abraham, causing his death. Seven of his nine children also die. After the fire, four bodies are found huddled together on the stairway and three on the upper flat.
Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, speaking in the House of Commons, on June 17, recommends that the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Meeting should consult on the crisis situation in British Guiana. On June 24th Prime Minister DR. Cheddie Jagan concurrs.
1964 - Proportional Representative System. A coalition Government of PNC and UF attains power.
1965 - A three storied building which houses the U.S. Consulate and the JFK Library is bombed on June 24. Miss Shakira Baksh (later to be Mrs. Michael Caine) is injured in the blast.
1966 - May 26th,Independence. The colony of British Guiana becomes independent of British rule, and is known as Guyana.
1966 - On June 23, officials from both Guyana and Suriname begin talks in London in relation to the countries' border dispute.
1966 - British troops leave Guyana.
1969 - The protocol of Port-of-Spain is signed by Guyana and Venezuela leading to a 12-year moratorium on the boundary controversy.
1970 - February 23rd,Guyana, the independent country - becomes a Co-operative Republic, and is now known as the "Republic Of Guyana".
|The African Diaspora, Ethiopianism, and Rastafari
Africa and the Ancient Mediterranean 250 BC to 300 AD
Peoples of North Africa traveled and traded throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Wars between Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) and the Roman Empire saw an African army, lead by Hannibal, invade Roman territory in 218 .C. By the first century BC, Egypt was trading with Europe as well as with India and China. Between the 3rd century BC and the 4th century AD, scholars from the region converged on the Library of Alexandria in Egypt. Here Euclid wrote his famous book on geometry and Ptolemy analyzed the movement of the planets
Ethiopian and Jerusalem 400 AD to 1300 AD
After Ethiopia's king converted to Christianity in the 4th century AD, the country developed ties to the Byzantine church in present-day Turkey. Ethiopian Christians began regular pilgrimages to Jerusalem. There a bishop utilized Ethiopian script in developing the Armenian alphabet. In 1189, the Muslim conqueror of Jerusalem granted two pilgrimage sites to the Ethiopians, thus alerting Europeans to the existence of these African Christians. European crusaders against the Jerusalem Muslims sought alliances with Ethiopia until the Crusades ended in 1270.
Africa and Asia 14th to 19th centuries AD
In 1324, the Malian leader Mansa Musa made pilgrimage to Mecca--an Islamic Holy site in Arabia--and returned with a Spanish architect who designed the mosque in Timbuctu. In the 15th century, East African ambassadors sailed to China, where they presented the Chinese Emperor with two giraffes, beginning a series of exchanges. In the 16th and 17th centuries, East African soldiers settled in and ruled parts of India. In the early 19th century, the East African island of Zanzibar became the capital of the Omani empire encompassing parts of coastal East Africa and southern Arabia.
Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas 1500 to 1800
Africans living in the western, central, and southern parts of the continent were enslaved and taken to the Americas. They were victims of the "triangle trade" in which American, British, Dutch, French, and Portuguese merchants carried textiles, iron, guns, and alcohol to Africa and traded them for enslaved people. The traders sold their captives to planters and mine owners in the Americas for gold, silver, sugar, and tobacco which they returned to Europe for sale and profit.
Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas --1800s
As the trade continued, slave rebellions mounted and people around the Atlantic organized against slavery. After outlawing slavery in 1808, the British gradually tried to suppress the trade on the high seas. Still slave traders willingly risked punishment to earn huge profits, as agricultural booms increased demand for slaves in the Caribbean and Brazil from the 1820s through the 1860s. With the abolition of slavery in all American nations by 1888, this violent chapter of world history ended.
Since the early 1960s, millions of Africans have immigrated to the Americas, Asia, and Europe. The first waves of immigration came as African nations won independence--with freedom from colonialism came the freedom to travel. Over the decades, African immigrants have continued to seek new opportunities in education and business abroad. Some Africans have also emigrated to escape civil upheaval and war. At the dawn of the 21st century, between 70 to 100 million Africans and people of African descent live in the Americas.
Historically, black peoples in the New World have traced memories of an African homeland through the trauma of slavery and through ideologies of struggle and resistance.
Arguably the most poignant of these discursive topographies is that of the Rastafari faith and culture. Like the Garvey Movement and other forms of pan-Africanism before it, the Rastafari fashion their vision of an ancestral homeland through a complex of ideas and symbols known as Ethiopianism, an ideology which has informed African-American concepts of nationhood, independence, and political uplift since the late 16th century. Derived from references in the Holy Bible to black people as 'Ethiopians', this discourse has been used to express the political, cultural, and spiritual aspirations of blacks in the Caribbean and North America for over three centuries. From the last quarter of the 18th century to the present, Ethiopianism has, at various times, provided the basis for a common sense of destiny and identification between African peoples in the North American colonies, the Caribbean, Europe, and the African continent.
From the period prior to the American Revolutionary War, slaves in North America equated Ethiopia with the ancient empires that flourished in the upper parts of the Nile Valley and--largely through biblical references and sermons--perceived this territory as central to the salvation of the black race. black converts to Christianity in colonial America cherished references to Ethiopia in the Bible for a number of reasons. These references depicted Blacks in a dignified and human light and held forth the promise of freedom. Such passages also suggested that African peoples had a proud and deep cultural heritage that pre-dated European civilization. The summation of these sentiments was most frequently identified with Psalm 68:31 where it is prophesied that "Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." During the late 18th century, black churchmen in the North American colonies made extensive use of Ethiopianist discourse in their sermons. Bishop Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, was among those who identified the cause of African freedom with this prophecy in Psalms. During the Revolutionary War, it is reputed that one black regiment proudly wore the appellation of "Allen's Ethiopians." Phyllis Wheatley, the black poet-laureate of colonial America, also made frequent use of this discourse as did Prince Hall, a black Revolutionary War veteran and founder of the African Masonic Lodge. Commenting upon the successful slave insurrection in Haiti (1792-1800), Hall observed: "Thus doth Ethiopia begin to stretch forth her hand, from the sink of slavery, to freedom and equality." There was, in nearly all expressions of Ethiopianism, a belief in the redemption of the race linked to the coming of a black messiah. Perhaps the first expressed articulation of this idea is seen in The Ethiopian Manifesto published by Robert Alexander Young, a slave preacher in North America in 1829.
In large part because of the movement of peoples spurred in its aftermath, the American Revolutionary War provided a major impetus for the spread of Ethiopianism from Britain's North American to its Caribbean colonies. As British loyalists departed from North America for places like Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados, the churched slaves and former slaves who traveled with them transplanted Ethiopianism to these plantation societies and inaugurated an independent black religious tradition. In Jamaica, George Liele, a former slave and churchman from Savannah, Georgia, founded the first Ethiopian Baptist church in 1783. Liele called his followers "Ethiopian Baptists." Thus began a deep rooted tradition of Ethiopian identification in Jamaica, the birthplace of both Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association (founded in 1914) and the Rastafari movement (born in 1930).
|THE JEWISH DIASPORA
The Jewish state comes to an end in 70 AD, when the Romans begin to actively drive Jews from the home they had lived in for over a millennium. But the Jewish Diaspora ("diaspora" ="dispersion, scattering") had begun long before the Romans had even dreamed of Judaea. When the Assyrians conquered Israel in 722, the Hebrew inhabitants were scattered all over the Middle East; these early victims of the dispersion disappeared utterly from the pages of history. However, when Nebuchadnezzar deported the Judaeans in 597 and 586 BC, he allowed them to remain in a unified community in Babylon. Another group of Judaeans fled to Egypt, where they settled in the Nile delta. So from 597 onwards, there were three distinct groups of Hebrews: a group in Babylon and other parts of the Middle East, a group in Judaea, and another group in Egypt. Thus, 597 is considered the beginning date of the Jewish Diaspora. While Cyrus the Persian allowed the Judaeans to return to their homeland in 538 BC, most chose to remain in Babylon. A large number of Jews in Egypt became mercenaries in Upper Egypt on an island called the Elephantine. All of these Jews retained their religion, identity, and social customs; both under the Persians and the Greeks, they were allowed to run their lives under their own laws. Some converted to other religions; still others combined the Yahweh cult with local cults; but the majority clung to the Hebraic religion and its new-found core document, the Torah.
In 63 BC, Judaea became a protectorate of Rome. Coming under the administration of a governor, Judaea was allowed a king; the governor's business was to regulate trade and maximize tax revenue. While the Jews despised the Greeks, the Romans were a nightmare. Governorships were bought at high prices; the governors would attempt to squeeze as much revenue as possible from their regions and pocket as much as they could. Even with a Jewish king, the Judaeans revolted in 70 AD, a desperate revolt that ended tragically. In 73 AD, the last of the revolutionaries were holed up in a mountain fort called Masada; the Romans had besieged the fort for two years, and the 1000 men, women, and children inside were beginning to starve. In desperation, the Jewish revolutionaries killed themselves rather than surrender to the Romans. The Romans then destroyed Jerusalem, annexed Judaea as a Roman province, and systematically drove the Jews from Palestine. After 73 AD, Hebrew history would only be the history of the Diaspora as the Jews and their world view spread over Africa, Asia, and Europe
|CONFIGURING THE FILIPINO DIASPORA IN THE U.S.
According to the 1990 census, the Filipino community is now the largest segment of Asian Americans, 21.5%, followed by the Chinese and the Vietnamese (Patel 112). By the year 2000, there will be over 2 million Filipinos in the United States. In recent surveys of Asian American literature sponsored by the Modern Language Association of America (MLA) and other professional organizations, however, there is a notable absence of any serious attention to Filipino writers, either born in the United States or self-exiled. In scholarly discourse and curricular offerings, "Asian American" usually designates Chinese (Kingston, Chin, etc.) or Japanese (Yamamoto, Okada, etc.) writers, or else Filipinos are tokenized with allusions to Carlos Bulosan or Hagedorn. At the turn of the century, William Dean Howells reviewed the novels of Jose Rizal, the national hero; Carlos Bulosan had to wait until World War II to be discovered. MLA president Houston Baker's edition of Three American Literatures privileged the Chinese and Japanese components of the category 'Asian American," perhaps a form of editorial reverse discrimination repeated by A. LaVonne Ruoff and Jerry Ward's expanded survey Redefining American Literary History. This has no doubt vitiated the honorably pluralist intent of an emergent canonizing, if revisionary, scholarship. Why were such well-known authors as Bulosan, Jose Garcia Villa, Bienvenido Santos, and others not considered on a par with Maxine Hong Kingston or Toshio Mori? Why this ethnic/multicultural marginalization or erasure?
Given the genuine historical, political, and cultural differences between the Filipino nationality and other Asian ethnic groups in the United States, one cannot help but discern how scholars have articulated "Asian American" in a selective and exclusivist direction, translating "Asian" as either Chinese or Japanese, rendering it useless as a totalizing signifier (for one, recent arrivals like Hmong refugees have had no participation in the disciplinary constitution of the term "Asian American" even if they are bureaucratically subsumed in it). Within the field of Asian Studies in the United States, the holy trinity of China, Japan (with Korea included in the space between the first two), and India still dominates, with Southeast Asian countries (mainly Indonesia) occupying the periphery. The Philippines then constitutes the margin or fold within the periphery, better known as the "Pacific Rim," despite the fact of its being the only Asian colony of the United States. Geopolitics, however, has superseded historical memory in the present realignment of historical capitalisms after the demise of the Soviet Union and Japan's economic ascendancy.
The entry of Filipinos into United States territory in sizable numbers began in 1908, when 141 workers were recruited by the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association. From then to 1946, when formal independence was granted to the islands, at least 125,000 Filipino workers exchanged their labor as commodity with the sugar planters (McWilliams 235). By 1930, there were 108,260 Filipinos all over the United States -- though most were farmworkers concentrated on the West Coast. They had an indeterminate status; neither protected wards nor citizens, they were subjected to various forms of racist discrimination and exclusion, circumscribed by (among others) laws of antimiscegenation and prohibited from employment in government and ownership of land. Deterritorialized in this way, Filipinos in the process of affirming their human rights and dignity forged a culture of resistance linking their homeland and place of expatriation. Parallel to the incessant revolts of peasants in the colonized islands, Filipino workers organized one of the first unions in Hawaii in 1919, the Filipino Federation of Labor, which spearheaded industrywide multiracial strikes in 1920 and 1924. In 1934, the Filipino Labor Union was organized in California with 2,000 active members; it organized the historic strike of 1934 in Salinas, California, and set the stage for the Filipino Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, which led the grape strike of 1965, matrix of the United Farm Workers of America (UFW) (CIIR).
|CHINA Nanjing Massacre (1937-1938)
In December 1937, Nanjing fell to the Japanese Imperial Army. The Japanese army launched a massacre for six weeks. According to the records of several welfare organizations which buried the dead bodies after the Massacre, around three hundred thousand people, mostly civilians and POWs, were brutally slaughtered.
Over twenty thousand cases of rape were reported. Many of the victims were gang raped and then killed. The figure did not include those captives who were sent to army brothels (the so-called "comfort stations").
It must be reminded that contrary to Germany the Japanese government has never made any formal or official apology to the Chinese people for their crimes committed during the war.
Instead, a number of Japanese politicians and writers denied not just the Massacre but any of their wrong doings in the Second World War. They claimed that they had "liberated" Asian peoples from Western colonialism. The Nanjing Massacre is one of their so-called "liberations".
|INDINESIA - 1998/1999|
|CHINESE IN THE USA|
JOB LOCKOUTS vs RIOTS
|NEW ORLEANS - 1900
The Daily People
July 30, 1900
A flood of ignorance is pouring out of the papers regarding the slaughter of the Negroes in New Orleans by the mob.
Various explanations are given, all silly, and many "remedies" are suggested, each one vying with the other in craziness.
The war in New Orleans is not between black and white. It is a war between workingmen, and the prize they battle for is a "job"; and that job means the same to them as the carcass of the animal, over which two savages fight, means to the savage: life or death.
When the vulgar editors prate about "racial hate" and ascribe the riots to that, they merely display their crass ignorance.
We are living in a time when the comforts of life, and all the material wealth needed to bring happiness to every human being, can be produced in abundance. There is no need whatever for one human being to go hungry, homeless or naked. Man's inventive genius has developed the tool to that point, and guided the natural forces to that degree, that abundance is possible to all.
But between that abundance and its enjoyment by the children of men an obstacle is interposed. That obstacle is the modern social system, capitalism, and its defenders and beneficiaries are the capitalist class.
Balked and baffled by this obstacle, eyeing wistfully that abundance of wealth which the capitalist class forbids them to touch, the ignorant workingmen, black and white, instead of fighting the capitalist, with wealth and freedom as the prize at stake, fall to fighting each other; and the stakes in that conflict are: death to the loser; poverty, misery and wage-slavery to the winner.
More horrible than the battle of the savages who fought for the meat, is this fight between workingmen. This has for a result the survival of the slave. A more brutal and demoralizing spectacle cannot be conceived.
How strong becomes the desire to forever end a system and a class responsible for this manifestation of social atavism! What bitter hate must fill the breast of the class-conscious proletarian for the real authors: the capitalist class!
To the work, then, of organizing and educating the proletariat, to fight for wealth and freedom, and not for poverty and slavery; to fight their masters and not their fellow slaves, and to win that victory in the class war which will forever put an end to race riots.
|SPRINGFIELD, IL - 1908
By the turn of the century, Springfield, Illinois was no longer the small town in which Abraham Lincoln lived, but a growing industrial center. The population of Springfield had grown at an alarming rate; it had nearly doubled since the last shot of the Civil War was heard in 1865. The numbers of people moving into Springfield increased faster than the creation of new jobs. The new workers added more tension to an already tight job market. The southern blacks emigrants and new European immigrants vied with white workers for factory and coal mining jobs. Blacks were, in some instances, brought in as scabs (replacements for striking laborers). Springfield had the largest percentage of blacks of any comparable city in Illinois. This fierce competition for jobs created an enormous amount of strife between the established white population and the new influx of blacks.
During the miserably hot summer of 1908, the racial tension heightened. On the night of Independence Day, 1908, Clergy Ballard, a respectable mining engineer, had his home broken into. He was awakened from his sleep by some unfamiliar noises in his home. When investigating, he saw a stranger at the bedside of his young innocent daughter. The intruder, upon discovery ran out of the house. Ballard gave chase and caught the assailant who, unfortunately for Ballard, had a straight razor and slashed Ballard's throat. Clergy Ballard died the next morning from wounds received that horrible night.
The people of Springfield were led by the press to believe that the crime was a thwarted sexual assault attempt. The public was outraged by the ugliness of the crime. Before Clergy Ballard died he managed to identify the assailant as a Joe James, a local black man with a long police record of minor criminal offenses. He was later caught by a band of angry whites and beaten unconscious. The police rescued James from the crowd and carted him off to jail for murder and attempted rape.
The townspeople outraged by two horrible and vicious crimes on respectable white women gathered at the southwest corner of Seventh and Jefferson. There the Sangamon County Jail housed the two hated individuals, James and Richardson. As the temperature soared into the high nineties, the mood of the crowd became more hostile. Obviously becoming intent on some kind of vigilante justice, the crowd demanded the release of the two alleged offenders. Sheriff Charles Werner, seeing that the crowd was getting out of hand and fearing the safety of his prisoners, devised a plan to transport the two to safety. A false fire alarm was sounded to divert the crowd's attention while the prisoners were escorted out the back of the jail to a car owned by a local restaurateur, Harry Loper. By 5 o'clock the two prisoners were on the train to safety in Bloomington, a town sixty miles north of Springfield.
Then the sheriff announced that the crowd might as well disperse because the men that they wanted were no longer in the jail. This apparently enraged the crowd and that's where the violent trouble began. Under the leadership of a few inspiring individuals like Kate Howard, a local rooming house owner who was notorious for her hatred of blacks, the crowd moved from the county jail down to Harry Loper's restaurant when it learned that his car was used in the escape plot. The crowd stalled at the sight of Harry Loper standing in the doorway with his rifle, but after he left by the back door the mob preceded to trash and destroy his stylish restaurant. They consumed the liquor, broke plate glassed windows, demolished the interior, and torched his five thousand dollar automobile.
The local authorities attempted to control the crowd, but were overwhelmed and outnumbered. Mayor Roy Reece of Springfield was forced into hiding by threats from the angry crowd. Fortunately for Springfield, Governor Charles Dedeen was in town and promptly activated the State militia. The crowd, however, was still on the move.
Urged on by shouts of "Women desire protection and this seems the only way to get it" the mob's intent had changed from the original purpose of seeking their own form of justice to clearing the entire town of blacks. Now the crowd headed toward the black commercial section of the city called the Levee where they broke into Fishman's pawn shop, a Jewish owned business, and stole weapons that would in the near future destroy many businesses, homes, and dreams. The mob now possessing guns, ammunition, and ropes, moved through the Levee, destroying all black businesses that were in sight. The violent crowd destroyed two or three blocks of the Levee. After having laid waste to a number of Negro established businesses in Springfield the mob then moved north heading toward the black residential section known as the Badlands.
On the way, however, a section of the angry crowd encountered the first resistance when they confronted a black barber named Scott Burton. When he saw the mob approach, Burton decided to protect his property and stood in the doorway with a shotgun. The mob wanted to destroy the barber shop because it was owned by a black man and because he had a white wife, but they did not want to get killed themselves. Out of fear Burton fired a blast of buckshot into the crowd. The crowd returned the fire and Burton was killed. His barber shop was burned and his body was paraded from his porch to a place several blocks away where it was hanged from a tree outside a saloon. Burton's corpse became the symbol of the mob's hatred of blacks and was riddled by bullets until the militia came and put a stop to that action.
But then the mob then moved on to the black residential area of Springfield. Rioters set fire to the houses of blacks avoiding only the homes with white handkerchiefs tied outside which signified they were homes owned or inhabited by whites. When firemen arrived, the crowd hindered their progress and even cut their hoses. It was estimated that a crowd of nearly 12,000 people had gathered to watch the Badlands burn. Black families were forced to run to surrounding towns or find refuge within the hostile city. Some blacks found safety with white people they knew, others went to the State Armory, and still others tried just to get out of town. Those that went to surrounding towns were met by signs that read, "All Niggers are warned out of town by Monday, 12 Sharp!". By midnight some national guard units arrived and dispersed the mob and the violence ended for Friday night.
See site link for the rest of the story and photos: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/?tqskip1=1&tqtime=0816
|CHICAGO - 1919
(1919), most severe of approximately 25 race riots throughout the U.S. in the "Red Summer" (meaning "bloody") following World War I; a manifestation of racial frictions intensified by large-scale Negro migration to the North, industrial labour competition, overcrowding in urban ghettos, and greater militancy among black war veterans who had fought "to preserve democracy." In the South, revived Ku Klux Klan activities resulted in 64 lynchings in 1918 and 83 in 1919; race riots broke out in Washington, D.C.; Knoxville, Tenn.; Longview, Texas; and Phillips County, Ark. In the North the worst race riots erupted in Chicago and in Omaha, Neb.
Chicago racial tension, concentrated on the South Side, was particularly exacerbated by the pressure for adequate housing: the black population had increased from 44,000 in 1910 to more than 109,000 in 1920. The riot was triggered by the death of a black youth on July 27. He had been swimming in Lake Michigan and had drifted into an area tacitly reserved for whites; he was stoned and he shortly drowned. When police refused to arrest the white man whom black observers held responsible for the incident, indignant crowds began to gather on the beach, and the disturbance began. Distorted rumours swept the city as sporadic fighting broke out between gangs and mobs of both races. Violence escalated with each incident, and for 13 days Chicago was without law and order despite the fact that the state militia had been called out on the fourth day. By the end, 38 were dead (23 blacks, 15 whites), 537 injured, and 1,000 black families made homeless.
The horror of the Chicago Race Riot helped shock the nation out of indifference to its growing racial conflict. Pres. Woodrow Wilson castigated the "white race" as "the aggressor" in both the Chicago and Washington riots, and efforts were launched to promote racial harmony through voluntary organizations and ameliorative legislation in Congress. The period also marked a new willingness on the part of black men to fight for their rights in the face of injustice and oppression.
FROM: http://www.uic.edu/orgs/kbc/ganghistory/Industrial%20Era/Riotbegins.html - SEE THIS LINK FOR PHOTOS
From July 27 to August 2, 1919, a race riot broke out in Chicago. When it was over thirty-eight people were dead, 537 injured and about 1000 rendered homeless. The incident which sparked the riot was the drowning of a black youth after he drifted onto a white area of a beach, on a hot, 96 degree day. The reasons for the riot, however, lie with segregation, vicious racism, and the organized activities of white gangs, many of which were sponsored by Chicago's political machine. Most of the rioting, murder, and arson were concentrated in the Black Belt.
"The rioting was characterized by much activity on the part of gangs of hoodlums, and the clashes developed from sudden and spontaneous assaults into organized raids against life and property." (1)
"As part of the background of the Chicago riot, the activities of gangs of hoodlums should be cited. There had been friction for years, especially along the western boundary of the area in which the Negroes mainly live, and in the spring just preceding the riot. They reached a climax on the night of June 21, 1919, five weeks before the riot, when two Negroes were murdered. Each was alone at the time and was the victim of unprovoked and particularly brutal attack. Molestation of Negroes by hoodlums had been prevalent in the vicitiy of parks and playgrounds and at bathing-beaches." (3)
As the riot began, clashes between whites and blacks stepped up. The report continues;
"Further to the west, as darkness came on, white gangsters became active. Negores in whtie districts suffered severely at their hands. From 9:00pm until 3:00am twenty-seven Negores were beaten, seven were stabbed, and four were shot." (5)
Black and white people went to work the next day without incident, but a street strike forced workers to walk, creating opportunities for mayhem. "But as the afternoon wore on, white men and boys living between the Stock Yarks and the "Black Belt" sought malicious amusement in directing mob violence against Negro workers returning home." (5-6)
Black mobs retaliated against the white violence. As the violence increased, police fired into a crowd of black demonstrators, killing four. Whites became emboldened "Gangs in white districts grew bolder, finally taking the offensive in raids through territory "invaded" by Negro home seekers. Boys between sixteen and twenty-two banded together to enjoy the excitement of the chase .(6)
"Automobile raids were added to the rioting on Monday night. Cars from which rifle and revolver shots were fired were driven at great spead through sections inhabited by Negroes." (6) No white raiders were arrested and Blacks began "sniping" in retaliation. Chicago's Police Chief admitted to the Commission: "There is no doubt that a great many police officers were grossly unfair in making arrests. They shut their eyes to offenses committed by white men while they were veryvigorous in gettijng all the colored men they could get." (34). Twice as many blacks were arrested than whites.
The next day gang violence grew worse:
"A white gang of soldiers and sailors in uniform, augmented by civilians, raide the "Loop" or downtown section of Chicago, early Tuesday, killing two Negroes and beating and robbing several others ..Gangs sprang up as far south as Sixty-third Street in Englewood and in the section west of Wentworth Avenue near Forty-seventh Street. Premeditated depredations were the order of the night. Many Negro homes in mixed districts were attacked, and several of them were burned." Lasalle Street railroad station was invaded twice, with white gangs hunting for Black workers or riders (20).
Rain seemed to calm the riot for a few days and fires in the Stock Yards left 948 people, mainly Lithuanians, homeless. While Blacks were blamed for the fires, the Grand Jury suspected they were started by back of the Yards white gangs "for the purpose of inciting race feeling by blaming same on the blacks." (16). But by then, the riot had run its course.
|TULSA - 1921
Tulsa panel seeks truth from 1921 race riot
Commission to recommend if survivors should be compensated
August 3, 1999
TULSA, Oklahoma (CNN) -- Beulah Smith and Kenny Booker, two elderly Oklahomans, lived through one of the worst race riots in U.S. history, a rarely mentioned 1921 Tulsa blood bath that officially took dozens of African-American lives, but more likely claimed hundreds. Perhaps even thousands.
The Tulsa Race Riot Commission, formed two years ago to determine exactly what happened, will consider next week the controversial issue of what, if any, reparations should be paid to the known survivors of the riot, a group of less than 100 that includes Smith, now 92, and Booker, 86.
'The gun went off, the riot was on'
On the night of May 31, 1921, mobs called for the lynching of Dick Rowland, a black man who shined shoes, after hearing reports that on the previous day he had assaulted Sarah Page, a white woman, in the elevator she operated in a downtown building.
A local newspaper had printed a fabricated story that Rowland tried to rape Page. In an editorial, the same newspaper said a hanging was planned for that night.
As groups of both blacks and whites converged on the Tulsa courthouse, a white man in the crowd confronted an armed black man, a war veteran, who had joined with other blacks to protect Rowland.
Commission member Eddie Faye Gates told CNN what happened next. "This white man," she said, asked the black man, "'What are you doing with this gun?'"
"'I'm going to use it if I have to,'" the black man said, according to Gates, "and (the white man) said, 'No, you're not. Give it to me,' and he tried to take it. The gun went off, the white man was dead, the riot was on."
Truckloads of whites set fires and shot blacks on sight. When the smoke lifted the next day, more than 1,400 homes and businesses in Tulsa's Greenwood district, a prosperous area known as the "black Wall Street," lay in ruins.
Today, only a single block of the original buildings remains standing in the area.
The official death toll was below 100, most of them black, but there was always doubt about the actual number. Experts now estimate that at least 300 people, and perhaps as many as 3,000, died.
'We're in a heck of a lot of trouble'
Beulah Smith was 14 years old the night of the riot. A neighbor named Frenchie came pounding on her family's door in a Tulsa neighborhood known as "Little Africa" that also went up in flames.
"'Get your families out of here because they're killing niggers uptown,'" she remembers Frenchie saying. "We hid in the weeds in the hog pen," Smith told CNN.
People in a mob that came to Kenny Booker's house asked, "'Nigger, do you have a gun?'" he told CNN.
Booker, then a teen-ager, hid with his family in their attic until the home was torched. "When we got downstairs, things were burning. My sister asked me, 'Kenny, is the world on fire?' I said, 'I don't know, but we're in a heck of a lot of trouble, baby.'"
Another riot survivor, Ruth Avery, who was 7 at the time, gives an account matched by others who told of bombs dropped from small airplanes passing overhead. The explosive devices may have been dynamite or Molotov cocktails -- gasoline-filled bottles set afire and thrown as grenades.
"They'd throw it down and when it'd hit, it would burst into flames," Avery said.
Many of the survivors "mentioned bodies were stacked like cord wood," says Richard Warner of the Tulsa Historical Society.
In its search for the facts, the commission has literally been trying to dig up the truth.
Two headstones at Tulsa's Oaklawn Cemetery indicate that riot victims are buried there. In an effort to determine how many, archeological experts in May used ground-piercing radar and other equipment to test the soil in a search for unmarked graves.
The test picked up indications that dozens, if not hundreds, of people may have been buried in an area just outside the cemetery.
Further tests will be conducted, but there are no plans to excavate the area.
The Tulsa commission is scheduled to release its final report on the riot in January. For many of the survivors, the issue is not money -- they want an apology.
"We were innocent," Booker said. "We didn't do anything to start this race riot."
Correspondent Charles Zewe and The Associated Press contributed to this report, written by Jim Morris
|THE WELLAND CANAL - 1943
Irish on the Welland Canal
Many fleeting Irish, especially from the counties of Cork and Connaught, came to Canada seeking a fresh start and found it in the Niagara region.
The Welland Canal, a man made waterway meant to carry ships around the falls at Niagara, would require many workers and as advertisements (from 1821) showed, a wage of $12 a month! was waiting for the men who would build it.
"Slabtown" Irish men swarmed in, many with their families, so many that towns were soon brimming past full or springing up along the canal at construction sites. Merriton and Thorold were two such and St. Catharines grew expansively with the influx.
Difficulties in funding for the Canal, changes in course, or stoppages of work all together, along with poor living conditions made life for these immigrants difficult. Also, coming to a new country did not erase old rivalries and bigotry among the workers and indeed, irritated them, since there was competition for jobs both here and on other similar projects.
Slabtown was the nickname given to the community of Welland Canal workers who lived in rough slab shanties. Many of these workers were Irish and tensions mounted which were directly rooted in the Catholic _ Protestant split within the community. Trouble broke out constantly and in 1943 rioting broke out.
Aug. 18, 1842 Quest for food: Irish Laborers- letter from Constantine Lee, D.D., Catholic Pastor. - They plundered Mr. Barrett's storehouse at the Quarry. They admitted coming for something to eat and if it was not given them they were prepared to take it. - They planned to plunder Oliver Phelp's red mill, but (Pastor) Lee prevented them. 70 shanties have been built between this village and the mountain locks. Tried to plunder flour from flouring mills of Henry Mittleberger - none there so they plundered the schooner "Mariner".
Oct. 26, 1843 Labour Force: Expense of Canal Riots Dec. 14, 1843 More Canal riots among the laborers of the Welland Canal - One of the officers, Mr. Wheeler, went out to make an arrest at the Canalers Shanty at Allenburg and found he accused armed and determined to resist... an express was sent off to D. McFarland, Esq., Port Robinson for the assistance of a detachment of the colored corps (see below) stationed there to quell rioters. Many of the canallers along the line having refused to work at the reduced prices offered by the contractors, having been idle for some time past - their funds are running low and they are becoming desperate.
Dec. 21, 1843 Strike Canal Rioters are striking for more than 50 (cents) daily and increase in January to 5 York Shillings. The strikers want more - above Port Robinson last Friday - serious.
Feb. 16, 1844 Starvation and Riot Editorial on riots. Many hundreds of men, women and children apparently in he last sages of starvation. More to be discharged when navigation opens. Wm. Benson, Esq., head officer of the Police Force of the Division Port Dalhousie to near Allenburg sends the following Statement consisting entirely of diggers, stone cutters, mechanics, quarry men and other laborers not included, which amount to 500 more. Mr. Bonallie's portion of the canal, which includes the Feeder and Broad Creek is probably about the same.
Apr. 12 1844 Strike on Lachine Canal - demand for increase by men on Mr. Wait's contract - want 2s.3d., no 2s. they get.
July 19, 1844 Strike on section of Canal through Thorold. Further south - no trouble.
Sept. 20, 1844 Riots on Canal July 10, 1845 Have Major Richardson and Benson Situation in some detail Jul 17, 1845 - controversy on the canal, prejudice. (Benson resigned and Major Richardson replaced him as the "law" on the Canal. Supt. of Police on Canal.
June 28, 1844 Terms Canal workers from Barnets Lock to Thorold refuse to work on Monday except at an advance on wages. They get 6s. New York currency per day and want 7s.
Feb. 19, 1846 Notice - John Richardson, late Stipendiary Magistrate and Superintendent of Police on he Welland Canal has been removed from the above situations. Allenburg, Feb. 2, 1846, J. Thompson. Also an editorial about Richardson and his good work. Police are no longer needed on the Canal.
See http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm for more
|QUEBEC - 1992
1. The three days of Quebec City proved that the global movement is not suffering any 'demographical crisis', which people were afraid of after Nice and Davos. There is no risk of a crisis when the movement successfully appeals to local, peculiar characteristics. In plain words, the activists made the most of Quebec's anti-imperial and anti-centralist feelings, making the reasons of the protest intelligible by the French-speaking population of Canada.
From saturday early afternoon to the dawn of monday, 10,000 rioters besieged the forbidden citadel then attacked and tore down the Wall of Shame. They could do it by swimming in the sea of the 50,000 demonstrators gathered by the unions and the Summit of the Peoples of the Americas. In their turn, all these people swam in the ocean of general solidarity, in a sympathetic town and region which didn't lock out, indeed, rejected corporate psychological terrorism and reacted to the state of emergency in manifold ways. A few dozen yards from the riots, bars were open and their windows showed such stickers as "Fuck Le Sommet". The inhabitants of the St.Jean Baptiste borough delivered water, baking soda and slices of lemon to attenuate the effects of tear gas. Cab drivers advised demonstrators on the safest routes to take.
By relying on a process of reterritorialization, the praxis can supercede all media stereotypes, as well as the risk of becoming a "professional army", kind of "protest globetrotters", barbarians invading alien cities.
2. There was neither any distinction nor mutual interference between street action and the work of more institutional "interfaces", i.e. the unionists, NGO delegates, "alternative" "experts" that organized the "counter-summit". While in Seattle some people were still deluded about "dialogue" ( sending "observers" to the WTO meetings, setting up allegedly "joint" committees, writing "amendments" to treaties which couldn't be amended etc.), in Quebec City such dreams evaporated even before tear gas filled the streets. The multifarious galaxy of NGOs, environmentalists, trade unions and intellectuals refused mediations and described the FTAA as "neo-liberal, environment-destroying, racist and sexist project."
|TEAMSTERS - 1934 TO BE REPEATED IN 2002 IN OAKLAND, CA ?
Friday, June 28, 2002
Workers vow unity at port rally
By Paul T. Rosynsky
OAKLAND -- Union leaders continued to chastise international shippers Thursday, vowing to shut down the country's ports if demands by West Coast dockworkers are not met during current negotiations.
As the contentious negotiations between West Coast dockworkers and international shippers moved from behind closed doors to the pages of the nation's newspapers, more than 500 union workers gathered in Oakland to show their unity to each other and against the shippers.
Led by Teamsters President James Hoffa Jr., the workers shouted chants and held signs declaring "solidarity" and demanding "a share of the wealth" during a rally at Port View Park at the Port of Oakland.
"There is only one thing they can't get around ... all these goods have to come through the ports," Hoffa said. "They stand to make billions and billions of dollars and they got to share the profits with our people. We want a piece of the pie."
Hoffa came to Oakland to tell leaders of the Pacific Maritime Association, a group representing shippers, that the 1.4 million Teamsters will not cross picket lines set up by longshoremen should a strike occur or if shippers decide to lock out workers once a contract between the two expires Monday.
Raising hands with ILWU President Jim Spinosa, Hoffa harked back to the union's infamous strike in 1934 in which riots broke out and the ILWU became recognized as a formidable labor party in the country.
"We stand together, and this morning we walked into a room with all the employers of the PMA and we delivered a message," Hoffa said. "ILWU does not stand alone; if you lock out the ILWU, you lock out the Teamsters and we will fight you every step of the way."
While both sides said they will continue to work beyond the July 1 deadline, many observers worried a job action could occur, especially after it was revealed this week that the two sides have just begun to talk about the highly sensitive issue of introducing technology on the docks.
ILWU contends shippers are using the issue as a smoke- screen to send their jobs to foreign countries where labor is cheaper, while shippers say they will not cut jobs and are only trying to make ports more efficient.
"There is a way to sit down and negotiate without any major stoppage, but it does not seem to appear that it is going that way," said Robin Lainer, executive director of the Pacific Coast Waterfront Coalition, a Washington, D.C., group representing merchants and some shippers. "It would affect virtually every Fortune 500 company in America."
In fact, a recent study conducted by University of California professor Stephen Cohen found a five-day work stoppage at West Coast ports would cost the nation's economy more than $4 billion, as many of the goods sold during the Christmas shopping season are sent during July and August.
In addition, a work stoppage on the West Coast could deteriorate into a shutdown across the country as representatives from dockworkers unions along the East Coast also said Thursday they will not accept ships diverted from the west.
Despite union claims that the rally in Oakland and at other ports in the country sent a message to the PMA, officials at the organization said negotiations continued Thursday as if the rally did not occur.
"I don't really think, despite the public posturing of the union, that it really affects us at the bargaining table," said PMA spokesman Jack Suite. "I think it is more important for us to talk at the bargaining table."
Suite said it is doubtful the negotiations will be completed by Monday's deadline; however, he said it was not unusual for both sides to miss the deadline but continue working until an agreement is found.
Workers at the rally, however, said they were ready to take to the picket lines.
"I've got a family, we've all got families, but it is going to take these types of actions to make the community see what is going on here," said Edwin Cotton, 51, a dockworker from Oakland. "I'm here in support of our union, and that is what it is going to take."
|1934 - BAY BRIDGE RIOTS
S.F. WORK ON SPAN HALTED
Riots Force Shutdown of Operations, Says Governor in Statement
All work on the San Francisco-Oakland bay bridge in San Francisco stopped today as the result of strike riots, Gov. Merriam announced.
Work on the San Francisco side of the bridge was in the area bounded by the top of Rincon Hill, the Embarcadero, Harrison and Bryant sts. The units are the viaduct, the anchorage, Pier A, at Main st.; Pier B, on the east side of Main st., and pier 1 at Spear st.
Chief Engineer C.H. Purcell will confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid, and Gov. Merriam offered cooperation if the situation is not corrected.
The governors official statement was:
I have just been informed by Chief Engineer Purcell that strikers have occupied Rincon Hill and the Embarcadero area and that the battle with police this morning has driven off all bridge workers and stopped all bridge work in San Francisco.
The strikers have stopped work at Rincon Hill by 100 Healy-Tibbetts construction men and a staff of 15 state bridge engineers and assistants.
The contractors men were driven off by rocks and gas at 9:50 a.m., although hauling of dirt from Pier A, Pier, B Pier W-1 and the viaduct stopped earlier.
All survey crews were called off by the chief engineer this morning. The effect of the stoppage of work will postpone the date when hiring of steel crews can begin. Mr. Purcell will confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid. If control is not reestablished today, Mr. Purcell will again report to me and I am studying the situation and will give him the co-operation he needs so that work can go on.
The Daily News
July 5, 1934
|1943 RACE RIOTS - DETROIT
FROM: http://detnews.com/history/riot/riot.htm SEE PHOTOS ON THIS LINK
A flaming car sets fire to a streetcar station on Woodward in the early hours of the riot.
The 1943 Detroit race riots
By Vivian M. Baulch and Patricia Zacharias / The Detroit News Even as World War II was transforming Detroit into the Arsenal of Democracy, cultural and social upheavals brought about by the need for workers to man the bustling factories threatened to turn the city into a domestic battleground.
Recruiters toured the South convincing whites and blacks to head north with promises of high wages in the new war factories. They arrived in such numbers that it was impossible to house them all.
Blacks who believed they were heading to a promised land found a northern bigotry every bit as pervasive and virulent as what they thought they had left behind in the deep south. And southern whites brought their own traditional prejudices with them as both races migrated northward. An injured driver from Busy Bee Moving Company is detained by police after he attempted to drive through a picket line of angry white neighbors near the Sojourner Housing Project.
The influx of newcomers strained not only housing, but transportation, education and recreational facilities as well. Wartime residents of Detroit endured long lines everywhere, at bus stops, grocery stores, and even at newsstands where they hoped for the chance to be first answering classified ads offering rooms for rent. Even though the city enjoyed full employment, it suffered the many discomforts of wartime rationing. Child-care programs were nonexistent, with grandma the only hope -- provided she wasn't already working at a defense plant.
The prevailing 48-hour work week put lots of money into defense workers
pockets, but there were few places to spend it and little to spend it on.
Food and housing were either rationed or unavailable. Detroit's nickname
was the "Arsenal of Democracy" but stressed-out residents often referred
to it as the "arsehole" of democracy. Workers disgruntled by the long commute
out to the Willow Run plane factory dubbed that operation "Will it Run."
Police try to disburse a crowd of blacks at Sojourner Truth Housing Project
Feb. 28, 1942.
Blacks were excluded from all public housing except the Brewster projects. Many lived in homes without indoor plumbing, yet they paid rent two to three times higher than families in white districts. Blacks were also confronted with a segregated military, discrimination in public accommodations, and unfair treatment by police.
The summer of 1941 saw an epidemic of street corner fights involving blacks and Polish youths who were terrorizing black neighborhoods in Detroit and Hamtramck.
Early in June 1943, 25,000 Packard plant workers, who produced engines for bombers and PT boats, stopped work in protest of the promotion of three blacks. A handful of agitators whipped up animosity against the promotions. During the strike a voice outside the plant reportedly shouted, "I'd rather see Hitler and Hirohito win than work beside a nigger on the assembly line."
Whites resentful over working next to blacks caused many stoppages and slowdowns. Harold Zeck, a former Packard defense worker, recalls the time when a group of women engine workers tried to get the men on the assembly line to walk off the job to protest black female workers using the white restrooms. "They think their fannies are as good as ours," screamed one woman. The protest fizzled when the men refused to walk out.
Unions did their best to keep production figures up and to keep the lid on confrontations, even though the Ku Klux Klan and the feared Black Legion were highly organized and visible in the plants.
Overcrowded housing combined with government rent control further aggravated racial problems in the city. Once spacious flats were divided and then subdivided into tiny rooms to rent. Many living under these oppressive conditions relied on hopes for the future to get them through the long tiring days.
Even before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the federal government was concerned about providing housing for the workers who were beginning to pour into the area. On June 4, 1941, the Detroit Housing Commission approved two sites for defense housing projects--one for whites, one for blacks. The site originally selected by the commission for black workers was in a predominantly black area. But the federal government chose a site at Nevada and Fenelon streets, a white neighborhood.
The Rev. Horace White, the only black member of the Housing Commission, stated, "As much as I disagree with the site selection, the housing shortage in Detroit is so acute, particularly among Negroes, that I feel we should cooperate."
On Sept. 29, the project was named Sojourner Truth, in memory of the female Negro leader and poet of Civil War days. Despite being completed on Dec. 15, no tenants moved into the homes because of mounting opposition from the white neighborhood.
On Jan. 20, 1942, Washington informed the Housing Commission that the Sojourner Truth project would be for whites and another site would be selected for black workers. But when a suitable site for blacks could not be found, Washington housing authorities agreed to allow blacks into the finished homes.
On Feb. 27, with a cross burning in a field near the homes, 150 angry whites picketed the project vowing to keep out any black homeowners. By dawn the following day, the crowd had grown to 1,200, many of whom were armed.
The first black tenants, rent paid and leases signed, arrived at 9 a.m. but left the area fearing trouble. It wasn't long in coming. Fighting began when two blacks in a car attempted to run through the picket line. Clashes between white and black groups continued into the afternoon when 16 mounted police attempted to break up the fighting. Tear gas and shotgun shell were flying through the air. Officials announced an indefinite postponement of the move.
Detroit newspapers, union leaders, and many other whites campaigned for the government to allow the black workers to move into the homes. The families, having given up whatever shelter they had in anticipation of their new homes, were left with no place to go and were temporarily housed with other families in the Brewster Homes and other sites.
Finally, despite the simmering resentment, black families moved into the project at the end of April. Detroit Mayor Edward Jeffries ordered Detroit police and state troops to keep the peace during the move.
Walter Jackson, a 35-year-old defense worker, his wife and five children were the first to move in. "We are here now and let the bad luck happen," said Jackson. "I have only got one time to die and I'd just as soon die here."
Jackson, a short, wiry 130-pound former UAW-CIO shop steward, had taken an active part in the auto sit-down strikes of 1937.
White neighbors on the project's eastern boundary quizzed each passing white: "Which side are you on?" A score of white women, some pushing baby carriages, waved American flags and paraded briefly along Conley Avenue north of the project. They booed when the Rev. White appeared to show support for the new neighbors.
Although the Sojourner Truth riots resulted in no fatalities, the trouble was a warning of what was to come.
By 1943 the number of blacks in Detroit had doubled since 1933 to 200,000 and racial tensions in the city grew accordingly. To protest unfair conditions, some blacks began a "bumping campaign" -- walking into whites on the streets and bumping them off the sidewalks, or nudging them in elevators.
Local and national media anticipated trouble. Life Magazine called the situation dynamite. On June 20, blacks and whites clashed in minor skirmishes on Belle Isle. Two young blacks, angered that they had been ejected from Eastwood Park some five days previously, had gone to Belle Isle to try to even the score. Police began to search cars of blacks crossing to Belle Isle but they did not search cars driven by whites. Fighting on the island began around 10 p.m. and police declared it under control by midnight. More than 200 blacks and whites had participated in the free-for-all.
Rumors began to fly.
Leo Tipton and Charles (Little Willie) Lyons told a black crowd at the Forest Social Club, 700 Forest, that whites had thrown a black woman and her baby off the Belle Isle Bridge. More than 500 angry and fearful patrons swarmed onto the street. The angry crowd moved to Woodward, near Paradise Valley, breaking windows and looting stores.
Nearby, just west of Woodward in an area inhabited by southern whites, another rumor swept the neighborhood--blacks had raped and murdered a white woman on the Belle Isle Bridge.
An angry mob of whites spilled onto Woodward near the Roxy Theater around 4 a.m., beating blacks as they were getting off street cars.
At least six Detroit policemen were shot in the melees, and another 75 were injured.
Woodward was the dividing line between the roving black and white gangs.
Whites took over Woodward up to Vernor and overturned and burned 20 cars
belonging to blacks, looting stores as they went. The virtual guerrilla warfare
overwhelmed the 2,000 city police officers and 150 state police troopers.
A crowd of 100,000 spectators gathered near Grand Circus Park looking for
something to watch. A white mob moves up Woodward looking for trouble in
the early hours of the 1943 riot. At least two overturned cars can be seen
in the background.
The first death was a white pedestrian killed by a taxicab. Later four white youths shot and killed Moses Kiska, 58, a black man who was waiting for a bus at Mack and Chene.
The white Detroit police officers who patrolled Paradise Valley considered all blacks on Hastings Street looters. They reportedly told bystanders to "run and not look back." Some were shot in the back running from police.
Disregarding police warnings, a white doctor, Joseph De Horatiis, entered a black neighborhood on a house call. Within moments he was hit with a rock, pulled from his car and beaten to death by rioters. A monument to the Italian physician was dedicated in 1946 at East Grand and Gratiot.
A black man coming off a bus on Woodward was beaten by a white mob in front of four policemen who made no effort to protect the victim or arrest the whites.
Mayor Edward Jeffries Jr. and Governor Harry Kelly asked President Roosevelt for help in restoring order. Federal troops in armored cars and jeeps with automatic weapons moved down Woodward. The sight of the troops with their overwhelming firepower cooled the fervor of the rioters and the mobs began to melt away.
The toll was appalling. The 36 hours of rioting claimed 34 lives, 25 of them black. More than 1,800 were arrested for looting and other incidents, the vast majority black. Thirteen murders remained unsolved. A white mob overturns a car belonging to a black man on Woodward. The whites running at right are chasing the driver.
Five black men received 80-day jail terms for disturbing the peace. Two were acquitted. Twenty-eight were charged and convicted on various charges including concealed weapons, destruction of property, assault, larceny. There was little arson, due to gasoline rationing, but more than a few cars were overturned and torched.
Tipton and Little, the two blacks linked to the original rumor, were sentenced to two-to-five years for inciting a riot.
The city's white police force was criticized for its "restraint" in dealing with the black rioters, despite the fact that only blacks -- 17 of them -- were killed by police.
Police Commissioner John H. Witherspoon defended his force and his refusal to issue shoot-to-kill orders, saying hundreds could have been killed. "All of those killed would not have been hoodlums or murderers--many would have been victims of mob psychology or innocent bystanders. If a shoot-to-kill policy was right, my judgment was wrong."
Mayor Jeffries praised the police and said he was "rapidly losing my patience with those Negro leaders who insist that their people do not and will not trust policemen." The mayor asked the Rev. White to search for 200 qualified Negroes to join the police force.
Thurgood Marshall, then with the NAACP, assailed the city's handling of the riot. He charged that police unfairly targeted blacks while turning their backs on white atrocities. He said 85 percent of those arrested were black while whites overturned and burned cars in front of the Roxy Theater with impunity while police watched.
"This weak-kneed policy of the police commissioner coupled with the anti-Negro attitude of many members of the force helped to make a riot inevitable," Marshall said.
Despite Detroit's history of problems, the Seal of the City of Detroit offers hopeful and timeless mottoes: "Speramus meliora" (We hope for better things) and "Resurget Cineribus" (It will rise from the ashes.) Rioters overturn car on Woodward and Vernor. Moments later they set it on fire.
DETROIT - 1967
Do you know where your parents or grandparents were on July 23, 1967? They might have been in a "Detroit riot". A riot is a huge fight in the streets . One of the worst riot in United States history happened on that sad day in July. This particular riot all began with racism.
This whole riot started out just to be a little protest, but soon evolved into a huge crowd of raging madmen fighting anyone from a different race whom they could find. It was mainly against blacks and whites. People started to burn down buildings and vandalize other people's property. And this was only the first day of the riot. The police didn't do anything to stop it because in the past riots, it just caused more fighting and violence. But the past riots weren't as bad as this one. Finally, the police had decided that this one had gone too far. So they had to try and do something.
On the second night of the riot people started calling their friends and relatives from out of town to come and help them fight. The people, all armed with weapons, just wanted to cause even more trouble. No one could see an end to this horrifying terror. By now, some of the people who participated in this riot were either arrested or badly injured. But the people just kept on coming and fighting.
On the third day of the riot, the police had decided to call for backup because the riot had gotten so bad that they couldn't handle it by themselves. This is the first time during the riot that the police has asked for any help. The police tried to use nightsticks and tear gas to try and get control of the angry mob, but it didn't work. Then they decided to bring out the dogs, but that didn't work either. Nothing the police tried had worked. The peoples hatred drove them to murder.
When the fighting finally calmed down, over 14 square miles of the town had been destroyed. Over 7,000 people had been arrested, 1,300 buildings destroyed, 2,700 businesses were looted, and 43 people were killed. It was heard throughout America and these three days are known as an embarrassment to us as Americans. There have been many riots before, but for different reasons. This one began with racism.
|NEWARK, N.J. 1967
1967, several race riots occurred. However, one of the better known riots occurred in Newark, New Jersey. Race riots were breaking up the United States during the 60's and 70's. These race riots were normally between African-Americans and and white policemen accused of brutality towards these African-Americans. Many times these race riots were located in the slums of the city. In particular, the race riots of 1967, were said to have sparked the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. Many times African-American stores were looted and destroyed by whites. These race riots would go on for days and only come to a halt when the death toll had reached an enormous amount. Race riots came to be because of a lack unfairness towards the African-American people. Many times they would not be able to make enough money, and for some reason made some white people angry. Race riots sometimes broke out for a reason of competition for jobs between African-Americans and whites. Difficult conditions in low-income housing was another reason for riots. After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. many other terrible riots occurred. Newark was one of the thousands of places where race riots occurred. However, the riots in Newark were very extreme and terrible. Race riots were a terrible issue in the 60's and 70's and are sometimes still a problem in the world today.
|BOMBAY - 1993
MISSING PERSONS OF BOMBAY RIOTS
Shabbir Kotawala and Shabbir Lakhat left their Malad home at 11 am on January 10, 93, to rescue their sister-in-law from riot-torn Jogeshwari. They neither reached their sister-in-law's home, nor did they ever come back.
Their wives, Rashida and Fiza, observed the official mourning only this year. ``For three months we neither ate nor drank, hoping that they would walk in through the door any moment,'' says 25-year-old Fiza.
This hope took them as far as the Nashik Jail, where many riot arrested had been lodged. ``We would hang around Arthur road Jail too, peering into the police vans taking people to court, '' recalls Fiza.
Policemen told them that their men must have been upto no good to be out on the streets during the riots. The two bearded men are officially listed as Missing.
Pappu Qureishi of Citizens For Peace, who has, over the last two years, traced 14 of the 165 persons listed as missing during the riots (including Hindus) , found from police records that on January 14, two burnt Muslim bodies were found at Goregaon, naked and decomposed. He believes they must have been the sisters' husbands.
Fiza, Rashida, their old mother and teenaged brother now all work to ensure that Rarshida's two sons, aged 9 and 11, can go to school. They did not receive the government compensation of Rs 2 lakh which other riot victims did, since they could produce no proof of their husbands' death.
21-year-old Javed Ismail left home early morning on january 11, 93 to bring milk from Shiv Sena Nagri, sewree. He never came back. The police registered him as a Missing person.
In response to a a habeas corpus petition by his mother (one of many such filed by advocate Niloufer Bhagwat on behalf of missing persons) , Inspector Ingle of RAK Marg filed an affidavit saying that the police learnt later that Javed and Samoon Ahmed had been killed by a mob at shiv Sena Nagari and their bodies burnt to ash in the Christian cemetery nearby.
Four persons were arrested under TADA for the offence.
Bhagwat asked that the police issue a death certificate. They refused. In their judgement on Oct 7, 93, Justices M L Pendse and M F Saldanha accepted the police's offer that Inspector Ingle's affidavit could be used as proof of Javed's death.
Javed's mother is still to get the compensation.
Muniruddin (40) , Ansar Ali (20) and Zainullabideen (15) were picked up by the Deonar police from home on December 8, 92, at 1.30 pm, their wife and mother told the srikrishna Commission last year. That was the last time they saw them. On december 20, the police gave the women letters authorising them to identify their men from bodies kept in the morgue. They could not.
Justice Srikrishna ordered that the women be granted the compensation due to riot victims. They have yet to get it.
As far back as July 94, the Srikrishna Commission wrote to S Jambunathan, Additional Chief Secretary, Home, recommending that the government reconsider its policy not to grant compensation to families of persons officially reported missing during the riots, in the absence of proof of their death. The letter annexed a list of 12 missing persons whose families had deposed before the Commission, and recommended that they be treated as riot-related deaths. In five cases, the police had later registered cases of murder.
``The (Srikrishna) Commission feels this policy decision operates harshly and unjustly against families of missing persons, as, for no fault on their part, the family members may be hard put to establish that the missing persons are dead. It least in such of the cases which have been examined by the Commission and recommended for payment of compensation, the Commission feels there should be no hesitation in making (the) payment," the letter said.
This week, Bombay Suburban Disctrict Collector S Chahande told MIDDay he had never head of this letter.
He however revealed that the government had, in October 96, taken a policy decision to treat those missing as dead and grant them the same compensation, on their signing an indemnity bond. They would have to return the Rs 2 lakh if the missing member turned up.
A number of such families signed the bonds, and one of them actually got the Rs 2 lakh. Her husband, a hawker, who had left home early on the morning of January 12, 93, had been thrown into a bonfire at Golibar into which five other Muslims were also thrown.
She was the first and last relative of a missing person to get compensation. Sources in the high-powered relief committee for the 92-93 riot victims, told Mid-Day that after this case, the government stopped all further payments to such families from the Collector's office without Mantralaya's approval.
Chahande attributed the delay to redrafting of the indemnity bond. The new version was awaiting the Law and Judiciary department's approval, he said.
This approval has been pending for the last four months, revealed Pappu Qureishi, who has pieced together eye-witness accounts which show that most of the missing persons had been killed, and often, burnt. ``The authorities are dragging their feet because accepting these cases as riot victims would mean investigating who killed them,'' he says. Qureishi, whose area of work is the suburbs, revealed that 12 families of missing persons had been traced in the city.
Till the government recognises them as riot-related deaths, their children cannot get the Rs 425 per month available for children of riot victims from the delhi-based National Foundation for Communal Harmony, points out Qureishi.
By the time Mantralay's renewed approval comes through, the victims may legally be presumed dead, not having turned up for seven years.
``What happened to them was outside the law. But the government is treating their families strictly according to law,'' complains Fazal Shad of the Bombay Aman committee, the first to take up the issue of missing persons.
It is to thwart this injustice that a group of activists have decided to file a petition next week asking that five years after the riots, the government treat the missing as dead.
|Nation's capital still recovering from 1968 riots
April 4, 1998
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- It's been three decades since Martin Luther King's assassination sparked riots in Washington, D.C., and parts of the nation's capital are still trying to recover from the impact of the violence. While some speak of a city renaissance, others are unsure whether the district will ever fully recover.
Thirteen people died and thousands were injured during three days of riots.
"The sky was filled with flames and smoke. And it seemed like the whole world was on fire," civil rights activist Sterling Tucker recalled for CNN.
"The looting was going on, the devastation was going on," said City Councilwoman Charlene Drew Jarvis.
"No one tried to stop anyone," community activist Stanley Mayes said.
Through it all, Ben's Chili Bowl stayed open.
"We identified the business as being African American by putting a sign in the window that said 'Soul Brother,'" said Virginia Ali. Nevertheless, the riots destroyed the district's African-American commercial hubs.
Recovery has been slow
"I had no idea it would take us 30 years to rebuild it. I thought my neighborhood would come back. This is a great neighborhood. This is where everybody comes for their social life, and everything," Mayes said.
The recovery was slow, and, in many ways, tells a tale of two parts of a city.
U-Street in the northwest -- once the Mecca of black professional Washington -- became a thoroughfare connecting more affluent white neighborhoods. The city constructed a building there in the 1980s and a subway stop in the 1990s -- and finally some private-sector investment followed.
"My son is now leasing a property here as a commercial broker. So the 30-something generation is getting involved again in the vitality of these neighborhood commercial corridors," Jarvis said.
H-Street across town, in the northeast, is a different story.
Like most areas, it got federal and city money to help it clear out the rubble. And there was some rebuilding -- until a railroad overpass was built, and divided the street from the rest of the city.
"These businesses lost business," explained businessman Anwar Saleem, describing the impact of the overpass. "When they built that bridge, you didn't have that traffic flow. People had to go around about to come down here to do business."
But much of that round-about-business dynamic failed to materialize: Many buildings on H-Street remain locked and boarded-up, and reinvestment has been slow and painful.
'The working poor are ... poorer'
While race relations have been improving in the formerly riot-torn areas, civil rights leaders say more work remains to be done.
"The working poor are in many ways poorer than they were before. So we have some critical issues, even as we see lots of progress," Tucker said.
"I hope what we've learned is how to live together and work together better and to settle the differences," said Bill Barrows of the H-Street Community Development Corporation. "But I'm not at all certain."
Correspondent Kathleen Koch contributed to this report.
|Tuesday, 8 February, 2000,
Mutual fears behind Spain's race riots
Tension in the region has been increasing
By Daniel Schweimler in Madrid
The anti-immigrant violence which has erupted in the region of Almeria in south-eastern Spain comes after a period of increasing tension, stretching back several years.
Local residents began attacking immigrant shops and cars after the killing of a 26-year-old local woman, allegedly by a young Moroccan immigrant.
Last month another North African worker was arrested in connection with the killing of two men.
There have been a number of protests against what the local population sees as rising crime in the region, which they blame on the immigrant community.
Police say there is no evidence that the immigrant community is committing more crimes than anyone else.
But that is how it is being perceived by many of the Spanish residents.
The immigrants, mostly from North Africa, have in turn complained to police about the increasing number of racist attacks against them.
They have held protests calling on the local Spanish community not to persecute them all for the crimes committed by a few and have also demanded protection from the Spanish government.
The government in Morocco, where the majority of immigrant workers come from, has complained about the situation and demanded action by the Spanish authorities.
The violence flared in the town of El Ejido, the centre of a prosperous region where agriculture is the main industry.
About one-tenth of the population are immigrants.
They work in agriculture, picking and planting fruit and vegetables - low-paid and back-breaking work which Spaniards don't want to do.
Unable to work
Since the violence flared, they've been unable to work, too scared to leave their homes.
However, they need the work and the local community needs their labour.
In fact, the Spanish government said recently they would have to attract millions more workers from abroad if the economy is to maintain its current rate of growth over the next few years.
Spain is a country which has in recent years seen a massive increase in immigration, mostly from North Africa and Latin America.
It still has a far lower number of immigrants than partners in the European Union such as the UK, France and Germany.
At the beginning of February a new Spanish law came into operation to protect the rights of immigrants - both legal and illegal.
It gives them access to health care and education for their children as well as protecting their employment rights.
The law was official recognition that the situation is changing rapidly in Spain.
A fact demonstrated dramatically by the violence in Almeria over the past few days.
|More than 400 police fight gypsy riots in Bulgaria
Monday, 24-Jun-2002 9:20AM
Story from AFP
Copyright 2002 by Agence France-Presse (via ClariNet)
SOFIA, June 24 (AFP) - More than 400 police tried Monday to restore order after riots sparked by a row between two Romany families rocked the gypsy quarter of Vidin, in north-western Bulgaria, police said.
Riots broke out Saturday after the body was discovered of a 19-year-old man who had been missing for a week after being caught stealing from a shop in the gypsy quarter, where some 15,000 Romany live.
The shop's owners, two brothers, have been arrested on suspicion of murder.
Some 100 police entered the Nov Pat (New Path) quarter on Sunday, where a 41-year-old man was killed in an axe attack, a police sergeant was injured by rioters throwing stones and at least five protestors were hurt.
Three hundred more police arrived on Sunday.
Two houses have been burnt down, with women and children stopping fire fighters from trying to halt the blazes, and the situation remained tense Monday when Interior Ministry Secretary General Boiko Borissov and national police Director Vassil Vassilev arrived on the scene.
In February gypsies living in a poverty-struck ghetto of Plovdiv, southern Bulgaria, rioted after electricity firms cut their supplies because they had not paid their bills.
The few Bulgarians living in the quarter have gone on hunger strike in an appeal to authorities to move them out of the area.
In Kustendil in western Bulgaria municipal authorities have begun building a wall between the Romany quarter and the international motorway to Macedonia, after gypsies threw stones at passing cars to try and steal them.
Bulgarians and gypsies in the central village of Metchka have been at each others' throats for two years, with the Bulgarians calling for the Romany population to be deported, accusing its members of an assassination and numerous thefts.
Gypsies make up 600,000 of Bulgaria's eight million inhabitants, and are the ethnic minority hardest hit by the country's economic crisis, with more than 90 percent out of work.
Social Affairs Minister Lidia Chuleva recently announced a plan to give local authorities grants which they would use to create jobs for gypsies, and "to teach them how to work again".
NCC General Secretary Arrested in Protest Outside Sudan EmbassyJuly 14, 2004, Washington, D.C. -- In an act of civil disobedience and protest of the genocide unfolding in Darfur, Sudan, the Rev. Dr. Robert W. Edgar, General Secretary of the National Council of Churches USA, was arrested outside of the Sudanese Embassy here today. Dr. Edgar presented himself for arrest as part of a campaign to call attention to what the United Nations calls the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today and to mobilize U.S. and world action to stop it.
The campaign, coordinated by Christian Solidarity International, includes daily noontime demonstrations in front of the Sudanese Embassy that began June 30. It is pressing Congress to pass House Concurrent Resolution 467 declaring genocide in Darfur, Sudan, and calling on the Bush Administration to lead an international intervention, impose targeted sanctions on the Sudanese government and establish a humanitarian aid fund.
At today’s protest, about 50 participants, including many children, marched outside of the embassy to demand that the government of Sudan stop attacks by its military and proxy militia against civilians in Darfur. The Rev. Dr. Walter Fauntroy, Pastor of New Bethel Baptist Church in Washington, D.C., and a former member of Congress, led the demonstration, which ended shortly after Dr. Edgar and Dr. Carole Burnett, Professor of Ancient and Medieval Christianity at the Ecumenical Institute of Theology in Baltimore, were arrested. Drs. Edgar and Burnett were taken to a local police station, fined and released.
According to the United Nations, tens of thousands of people have died and more than one million people in the region have been displaced in an apparent attempt at ethnic cleansing in Sudan’s Darfur region. Refugees are living in makeshift camps, where mass rape of women and girls is common, living conditions are deplorable and diseases such as cholera, meningitis and polio threaten to take the lives of infants, children and the elderly. If nothing is done to prevent it, countless thousands will die in the weeks and months ahead.
“It is clear that a genocide is unfolding in Sudan,” Dr. Edgar said today. “In April 2004, as the world commemorated the tragic Rwandan genocide of 1994, we all said we would never allow this to happen again. Yet we are faced today with another horror that is clearly preventable. The National Council of Churches joins with people of goodwill throughout the world who want to end the needless deaths of countless innocent Sudanese citizens.
"Getting arrested for this cause is the very least one could do to bring attention to the urgency of this situation. The solution rests at the door of the government of Sudan -- and also at the feet of the international community. We must face the fact that time grows dangerously short for action. As our governments hesitate to do what is right, the loss of precious lives accelerates with each passing week."
Dr. Burnett commented, “No thinking and feeling person can be indifferent to the magnitude of the crisis in the Sudan.” She prayed alongside Dr. Edgar as the two were arrested by the Secret Service. Congressman Charles Rangel (NY) was arrested yesterday and the Rev. Fauntroy last week. Additional acts of disobedience are planned.
|Wednesday, July 28, 2004
Resolve needed to halt Sudan genocide
SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER EDITORIAL BOARD
It's going to take concerted efforts for the world to stop the growing humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The situation demands sustained focus.
The U.N. Security Council could vote as early as this week on a U.S.-drafted resolution demanding Sudan deliver on its promises to stop Arab militia attacks on black African communities in the western Darfur region. That kind of international pressure, including at least an implied threat of sanctions, is critical.
As a congressional resolution suggested, the attacks amount to a campaign of genocide, carried out with Sudanese government support.
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and other diplomats have done significant work to gain Sudanese promises to act responsibly. But Sudan must act, not just talk.
Humanitarian aid is also urgent. Federal Way-based World Vision says Sudan is promising to facilitate aid deliveries for refugee camps. The U.N. World Food Program and private agencies, including World Vision, also are sending food to refugee camps in Chad.
A U.S. agency has warned that 350,000 or more Sudanese could die this year. That gruesome prospect can be averted only with international resolve.
THE DRAFT RIOTS OF 1863
DUBLIN - 1913
WTO (WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION) SEATTLE PROTEST
NATIONAL SECURITY - THE ANNIVERSARY OF WACO/OKLAHOMA BOMBING
THE WACO FIRE INVESTIGATION
KENT STATE - PROTEST - A DREAM
HOW THE GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001
9-11-2001 - THE WORLD TRADE CENTER
LEO TAXIL - GABRIEL-ANTOINE JOGAND-PAGES -1881-1887
... . Fortunately for the proprietors of the lecture hall, the police were summoned before a full-scale riot had broken out. Jogand's success had been due, primarily, to his journalistic flair and to the credibility
RUSSIAN PROPHECY BY DEE
... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group of four or five men were dealing with the attacker, and the streets ...
THE HOMELESS ARE DYING
... occurred in the last two weeks alone. The demonstration came less than two weeks after police in riot gear clashed with a group of some 300 anti-poverty protesters near the Parliament building
DREAMS AND VISIONS OF WAR
... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group of four or five men were dealing with the attacker