compiled by Dee Finney






DREAM - I was sitting in a car in a parking lot- late at night. We were just talking abut events that had happened recently in the United States and it seemed strange that a group of men were moving red jeeps surrepticiously around in the parking lot. That didn't make sense since all that was in the parking lot were red jeeps and to move them around like on a checkerboard didn't seem to be something that would ordinarily be going on.

We met a young black man there who had a newborn baby who needed taking care of while he did something. If we were told about the boy's mother, I have no recollection.

This child was tiny and frail. He seemed to be premature size. 

The clothing I was given for him was mostly black and yellow lace - but wasn't made of baby yarn it was made of plastic webbing.

The baby grew quickly but was still frail and couldn't sit or stand, he pretty much just leaned against wherever I put him whether against myself or against an object.

His father and my husband returned and I was shown a voting roster of candidates for the 2008 presidential election. An outstanding candidate in the roster about 1/2 way down the list was Hillary Clinton.  As the roster was listed, they started at the far left and ended at the far right. Hillary Clinton was placed just to the left of center. 

The black man said, "I wouldn't vote for her. She's too strong."  He didn't say who he would vote for though. 

I told the men they were going to have to watch the baby while I made breakfast.

I dressed the baby in the black and yellow outfit which reminded me of a fireman's outfit.

There were lots of toys on the floor, so I hoped the men could watch him closely. There were lots of yellow Legos on the floor and I blocked the baby's path between the living room and kitchen with a black hobby rocking horse that red rockers on it.

NOTE: It has come to me that the red jeeps in the parking lot are the Democratic states being shifted, considering the red and blue states of the last two elections.

Cultural Differences in Politics

The population of Puerto Rico is made up of people who have ancestry composed of the world’s three major races (white, black and yellow).

The Red Bus

7-3-06 - DREAM - It seems that I was not in this dream, but a young man. (I was observing)

There were two kinds of dogs that needed to be fed. (They were puppies in a basket)  But there was a third kind of dog nearby that also had to be fed, and I didn't have the ways and means to feed any of these puppies.

So I went down the street to the hardware s tore to see what they had to feed these dogs.

As I was getting there, on the curb, in front of the hardware store, was a sign that the 'Big Red Bus' had to stop there.

I could see the Big Red Bus  coming down the street, so I wanted to get out of the way before it got there.

Too, because of what day it was, I had to return two items to the hardware store or pay rent on them.

I ran home, and in the closet, I had a golden two-edged sword and two golden rods next to it  on either side of it. I grabbed them out of the closet and ran to the hardware store and saw the the Big Red Bus was getting closer.

There was another item I had to return also, bit I couldn't return it until after the Big Red Bus arrived. It had to be coordinated.

(sorry! But I can't remember what the other item was)

I knew that this dream was about politics.


Why Big Red?

Big Red exists to bring the love of Jesus Christ to the community of Summit County and to the State of Colorado. That love is unconditional - with no strings attached.

Workers of Big Red are committed to loving people with the unconditional love of God with the understanding that they love people whether they will ever love our God or not.

Big Red is committed to bringing joy and help to the hearts of parents and families.

Big Red is committed to working in cooperation with the community of Summit County whether it be through the schools, local town governments, area churches, or emergency personnel.

Big Red is committed to helping in crisis situations to bring relief, aid, or as a support to local law enforcement.


Big Red Bus, Find out about the Big Red Bus Club here. ... 
If you want to come to Ireland as a full-time Christian worker or whether you want to work .

Double Edged Sword

"And take... the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God. Ephesians 6:17

This "Sword" is, of course, a well- known idiom:

For the Word of God is quick, and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart. Hebrews 4:12

1 Praise ye the LORD. Sing unto the LORD a new song, and his praise in the congregation of saints.
2 Let Israel rejoice in him that made him: let the children of Zion be joyful in their King.
3 Let them praise his name in the dance: let them sing praises unto him with the timbrel and harp.
4 For the LORD taketh pleasure in his people: he will beautify the meek with salvation.
5 Let the saints be joyful in glory: let them sing aloud upon their beds.
6 Let the high praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand;
7 To execute vengeance upon the heathen, and punishments upon the people;
8 To bind their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron;
9 To execute upon them the judgment written: this honour have all his saints. Praise ye the LORD
(Psalm 149)

1:16 - He had seven stars in his right hand. Out of his mouth proceeded a sharp two-edged sword. His face was like the sun shining at its brightest - Revelation



The Orange Dog

7-5-06 - DREAM - I was looking at a newspaper about politicians. The columns were horizontal on the page - but the most important candidate was the 'orange dog' that had the tallest article in its column.

Also see:

Calling himself a Blue Dog Democrat, Phelps said the fiscally conservative ... 
A Blue Dog - fiscally conservative - Democrat, Tanner warned the audience
The playroom had a hard tiled floor of light blue. I saw 12 sky-blue eggs ... 
They should be large, strong and fierce; and every dog led in a slip string, ...


Imagine there’s no races,
It’s easy if you try,
No racial strife amongst us,
Around us only hope,
Imagine all the people
living for today…

Imagine there’s no black community,
It isn't hard to do,
Nothing to fight or die for,
No white community too,
Imagine all the people
living life in peace…

Imagine no possessions,
I wonder if you can,
No need for greed or hunger,
A brotherhood of man,
Imagine all the people
Sharing all the world…

You may say I'm a dreamer,
but I'm not the only one,
I hope some day you’ll join us,
And the world will live as one.

Posted by john on Jun 16, 2005


Colours Of Politics

  • Black is primarily associated with anarchism (see anarchist symbolism).
    • In the countries with a history of anti-clericalism in Europe and elsewhere in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the officials of the Catholic Church, because their vestments are often black, were called the Black International. In Germany, it is the colour of Christian democrats, along with orange.
    • Black is sometimes associated with fascism (see blackshirts)
  • Blue, particularly dark blue, is often associated with Conservative parties, originating from its use by that party of the UK.
    • Light blue is used for the field of the flag of the United Nations. It was chosen to represent peace and hope. In politics, light blue is often attributed to liberalism in the same way the dark blue is the colour of political conservatism.
    • However, for much of the nineteenth century, the 'blues' in both France and Italy were moderate reforming conservatives, while the absolutist monarchists were whites.
    • Another anomaly is that blue is associated with the liberal (by U.S. definition) Democratic Party of the United States (see blue state).
  • Brown has been associated with working class Nazism, because the Sturmabteilung (commonly known as the SA) were called "brownshirts". In Europe and elsewhere in the twentieth century, fascists were sometimes called the Brown International.
  • Gray was chosen by the German political writer Paul de Lagarde as the symbol of liberals in the nineteenth-century sense (or current European one), which he called the Gray International.
    • Historically, it was associated with support for absolutist monarchists, first for supporters of the Bourbon dynasty of France, because it was the dynasty's colour. Later it was used by the Czarist Whites in the Russian Revolution of 1917, because their purpose was similar. In the civil war following the independence of Finland in 1917, white was used by the conservative and democratic forces which stood against the socialist red forces.
  • Yellow has been used for liberalism, starting with its use by the Liberal Party of the UK.
    • Yellow is also associated with Judaism and the Jewish people (see also Yellow badge). In the nineteenth century in Europe, anti-Semites sometimes referred to Jews collectively as the Yellow International. This derives from the name of a German book, The Golden International.


Political parties vary the shades of their colours depending on the situations. Most U.S. politicians use red, white and blue together. In the UK, the Labour Party has recently used bold red with yellow lettering in areas of majority Labour support but also more purple tones in marginal Conservative areas.

Other notable exceptions and variations to the above colour schemes are:

  • In Australia, the Australian Labor Party will typically use red, and the Liberal Party of Australia typically blue, however this does conform to the above colour scheme as the "liberal" party is in reality conservative and the ALP has historically identified itself as a social-democratic party. The use is essentially the same as the use of blue and red by the British Conservative and Labour Parties. The Australian Greens use green, while a green-and-gold combination is used both by the National Party of Australia and the Australian Democrats. The colours for the latter, however, are not ideological in nature, but are derived from the fact that Australia's national colours are green and gold.
  • In Belgium, the Liberal Democrats (VLD and MR) are blue and the Christian Democrats (CD&V and CDH) are orange. The colour of the Flemish nationalists (N-VA) is yellow. No consistent colour is used for the right-wing nationalist Vlaams Belang, colour used in media or campaigns include white, purple, brown and yellow.
  • In Mexico, the leftist PRD uses yellow. The Right-Wing PAN uses blue and white, the colours of the Virgin of Guadalupe, symbol of Mexican Catholicism.
  • In the Netherlands, conservative Liberals (VVD) are blue, Liberal Democrats (D66) use green as well as the Christian Democrats. Green Left uses both green and red to represent its blend of ecologism and leftism.
  • In Portugal, the moderate conservatives (Social-Democrat Party, whose name may cause confusion, since it is not a traditional social-democrat party, but much more right-leaning) are orange and the socialists are pink.
  • In the UK (excluding Northern Ireland), where electoral rosettes are commonly worn for campaigns, the Conservatives use dark blue; Labour, red; and the Liberal Democrats, yellow. With many other smaller parties choosing their own colour schemes, Independents unsurprisingly use white. Notably the single issue UK Independence Party has chosen to use the non-aligned colour purple with yellow.
    • Additionally some of the established political parties use or have used colour variations in their own locality. For instance the traditionally colour of the Penrith & the Border Conservatives is yellow, and not dark blue. Also the traditionally colour of the Warwickshire Liberals was green, and not orange/yellow.
  • In the United States there is no official association between political parties and specific colours. The two major political parties use the national colours — red, white, and blue — to show their patriotism. The only common situation in which it has been necessary to assign a single colour to a party has been in the production of political maps in graphical displays of election results. In such cases, there has historically been no consistent association of particular parties with particular colours. In the weeks following the 2000 election, however, there arose the terminology of blue states and red states, in which the conservative Republican Party was associated with red and the liberal Democratic Party with blue. Political observers subsequently latched on to this association, which resulted from the use of red for Republican victories and blue for Democratic victories on the display map of a television network. This association has certainly not been consistently applied in the past: during previous presidential elections, about half of the television networks used the opposite association. In 2004, the association was mostly kept.

    There is some historical use of blue for Democrats and red for Republicans — in the late 19th century and early 20th century, Texas county election boards used colour coding to help Spanish speakers and illiterates identify the parties.[1] However, this system was not applied consistently in Texas and was not picked up on a national level.

    Maps for presidential elections produced by the U.S. government use the opposite system, with red for Democrats and blue for Republicans — for example, see U.S. presidential election, 1992.

    Nevertheless, since the 2000 election the news media have tended to use red for Republicans and blue for Democrats, especially as it relates to the electoral majority in each state, informally calling them the Red states and Blue states. The colour green is often used for the Green Party, and the colour yellow is often used for the Libertarian Party.

    A February 2004 article in the New York Times examined this issue.[2].

    In a video released by the White House depicting Christmas celebrations there, Karl Rove is seen tearing blue ornaments off the Christmas tree, replacing them with red ones. This is a reference to the political colours.

List of colours associated with different parties in various countries



















  • PUP: Green
  • RPG: Yellow





Republic of Ireland





  • PRI Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Revolutionary Institutional Party): Red, white and Green
  • PRD Partido de la Revolución Democrática (Democratic Revolution Party)Yellow and Black
  • PAN Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party) Blue and White
  • PT Partido del Trabajo (Labour Party) Red
  • PVEM Partido Verde Ecologista de México (Ecologist Green Party of Mexico) Green
  • PCD Partido Convergencia para la Democracia (Democratic Convergence Party) Orange and Blue





New Zealand












Republic of China (Taiwan)

Pan-blue coalition (blue):

Pan-green coalition (green):


United Kingdom


United States

Shirts associated with right-wing parties

In the first half of the twentieth century, various fascist and other right-wing groups adopted uniforms and were often nicknamed according to the colour of their shirts:



A Romney-Kerry Rivalry? 
Not the Stuff Dreams Are Made Of.

By Dan Balz and Chris Cillizza

Friday, January 27, 2006

Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R) put some distance yesterday between himself and the Bush administration on the issue of health care, criticizing the White House for failing to demand significant reforms in Medicare and Medicaid when Congress enacted a prescription drug benefit for senior citizens.

With an eye on a 2008 presidential campaign, Romney spent an hour over lunch with reporters in Washington talking about his evolution on the issue of abortion (from once eschewing labels to now calling himself "pro-life"), whether his Mormon religion will hurt him if he runs for president (only with a tiny percentage of the electorate, he said), his management style (heavy on analysis) and health care for all citizens, which is a top priority of his back home.

The new prescription drug plan has gotten off to a rocky start, with many states having to step in to pay for drugs for seniors who have been denied coverage because of bureaucratic bungling. Romney said the benefit is well deserved -- but so is the criticism. His complaint is that the administration created a new and costly entitlement program without exacting changes aimed at holding down costs.

"I would have hoped to do it differently," he said at the media gathering, sponsored by the Christian Science Monitor. "I would have hoped to include within the additional prescription benefit certain reforms to Medicaid, Medicare and our entire health care system to be able to pay for a very helpful prescription benefit. . . . It's a new entitlement program, and I would have wanted to finance that entitlement with reforms and changes and adjustments in the overall program."

Romney also dealt with some Washington controversies. On the debate over President Bush's warrantless surveillance program: "I expect the president to live by the law, and I presume he has." On whether the lobbying scandal will damage Republicans in November: "The idea that money has influence on politics is not a headline story in major parts of the country."

Toward the end he was asked about 2008, Iraq, and the possibility that he and Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.) might end up as rivals. "Do you fantasize about that?" he was asked.

"Not about that, no," he replied to laughter. Referring to his wife, he said: "I told Ann that I was coming here to speak to you today, and I said 'Sweetheart, in your wildest dreams, did you ever see me coming here and speaking to this group?' and she said 'Mitt, you weren't in my wildest dreams.' " That sounded like a line GOP audiences are likely to hear repeatedly over the next few years.

Ney Doesn't Shy From Reelection Bid

If there was any doubt that Rep. Robert W. Ney (R-Ohio) would allow certain inconvenient subjects in the news to force him from a reelection bid, it is over: He made a formal announcement last night in Dover, Ohio. He is expected to make a similar pronouncement today in Chillicothe -- not coincidentally, the home town of his likely Democratic foe in November.

"2006 promises to be a vigorous campaign, and I am ready for the fight," Ney told a local newspaper Wednesday.

He will almost certainly get it, given the barrage of recent disclosures that federal prosecutors are targeting Ney for his suspected role in doing favors for disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff in exchange for lavish trips and campaign contributions.

In Abramoff's plea agreement, Ney was the lone member of Congress mentioned. Ney has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing. He temporarily stepped aside as chairman of the House Administration Committee earlier this month at the urging of House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.). Despite the Republican tilt of Ney's sprawling east-central 18th District, Democrats believe his Abramoff woes have handed them a golden takeover opportunity. Chillicothe Mayor Joseph P. Sulzer and lawyer Zack Space are seeking the Democratic nomination and will face off in May 2 primary.

Candidate Fires Staffer for Comment

Foot-in-mouth disease has claimed another victim -- this time in Pennsylvania's Republican gubernatorial primary.

Former lieutenant governor Bill Scranton (R) fired his campaign manager Wednesday after the man accused former Pittsburgh Steeler Lynn Swann (R), who is black, of being the "rich white guy" in the race.

Scranton said the remarks by James Seif "in no way whatsoever reflect my views or those of my campaign." Both Scranton and Seif are white.

Public polling shows Swann, a Hall of Fame wide receiver for the Black and Yellow from 1974 to 1983, with a lead over Scranton in the primary. Swann is also running even or ahead of Gov. Edward G. Rendell (D). If elected, Swann would be the Pennsylvania's first black governor.


The truth about Margaret Sanger
(This article first appeared in the January 20, 1992 edition of Citizen magazine)

How Planned Parenthood Duped America

At a March 1925 international birth control gathering in New York City, a speaker warned of the menace posed by the "black" and "yellow" peril. The man was not a Nazi or Klansman; he was Dr. S. Adolphus Knopf, a member of Margaret Sanger's American Birth Control League (ABCL), which along with other groups eventually became known as Planned Parenthood.

Sanger's other colleagues included avowed and sophisticated racists. One, Lothrop Stoddard, was a Harvard graduate and the author of The Rising Tide of Color against White Supremacy. Stoddard was something of a Nazi enthusiast who described the eugenic practices of the Third Reich as "scientific" and "humanitarian." And Dr. Harry Laughlin, another Sanger associate and board member for her group, spoke of purifying America's human "breeding stock" and purging America's "bad strains." These "strains" included the "shiftless, ignorant, and worthless class of antisocial whites of the South."

Not to be outdone by her followers, Margaret Sanger spoke of sterilizing those she designated as "unfit," a plan she said would be the "salvation of American civilization.: And she also spike of those who were "irresponsible and reckless," among whom she included those " whose religious scruples prevent their exercising control over their numbers." She further contended that "there is no doubt in the minds of all thinking people that the procreation of this group should be stopped." That many Americans of African origin constituted a segment of Sanger considered "unfit" cannot be easily refuted.

While Planned Parenthood's current apologists try to place some distance between the eugenics and birth control movements, history definitively says otherwise. The eugenic theme figured prominently in the Birth Control Review, which Sanger founded in 1917. She published such articles as "Some Moral Aspects of Eugenics" (June 1920), "The Eugenic Conscience" (February 1921), "The purpose of Eugenics" (December 1924), "Birth Control and Positive Eugenics" (July 1925), "Birth Control: The True Eugenics" (August 1928), and many others.

These eugenic and racial origins are hardly what most people associate with the modern Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA), which gave its Margaret Sanger award to the late Dr. Martin Luther King in 1966, and whose current president, Faye Wattleton, is black, a former nurse, and attractive.

Though once a social pariah group, routinely castigated by religious and government leaders, the PPFA is now an established, high-profile, well-funded organization with ample organizational and ideological support in high places of American society and government. Its statistics are accepted by major media and public health officials as "gospel"; its full-page ads appear in major newspapers; its spokespeople are called upon to give authoritative analyses of what America's family policies should be and to prescribe official answers that congressmen, state legislator and Supreme Court justiices all accept as "social orthodoxy."

Blaming Families

Sanger's obsession with eugenics can be traced back to her own family. One of 11 children, she wrote in the autobiographical book, My Fight for Birth Control, that "I associated poverty, toil, unemployment, drunkenness, cruelty, quarreling, fighting, debts, jails with large families." Just as important was the impression in her childhood of an inferior family status, exacerbated by the iconoclastic, "free-thinking" views of her father, whose "anti-Catholic attitudes did not make for his popularity" in a predominantly Irish community.

The fact that the wealthy families in her hometown of Corning, N.Y., had relatively few children, Sanger took as prima facie evidence of the impoverishing effect of larger families. The personal impact of this belief was heightened 1899, at the age of 48. Sanger was convinced that the "ordeals of motherhood" had caused the death of her mother. The lingering consumption (tuberculosis) that took her mother's life visited Sanger at the birth of her own first child on Nov. 18, 1905. The diagnosis forced her to seek refuge in the Adirondacks to strengthen her for the impending birth. Despite the precautions, the birth of baby Grant was "agonizing," the mere memory of which Sanger described as "mental torture" more than 25 years later. She once described the experience as a factor "to be reckoned with" in her zealous campaign for birth control.

From the beginning, Sanger advocacy of sex education reflected her interest in population control and birth prevention among the "unfit." Her first handbook, published for adolescents in 1915 and entitled, What Every Boy and Girl Should Know, featured a jarring afterword:

It is a vicious cycle; ignorance breeds poverty and poverty breeds ignorance. There is only one cure for both, and that is to stoop breeding these things. Stop bringing to birth children whose inheritance cannot be one of health or intelligence. Stop bringing into the world children whose parents cannot provide for them.

To Sanger, the ebbing away of moral and religious codes over sexual conduct was a natural consequence of the worthlessness of such codes in the individual's search for self-fulfillment. "Instead of laying down hard and fast rules of sexual conduct," Sanger wrote in her 1922 book Pivot of Civilization, "sex can be rendered effective and valuable only as it meets and satisfies the interests and demands of the pupil himself." Her attitude is appropriately described as libertinism, but sex knowledge was not the same as individual liberty, as her writings on procreation emphasized.

The second edition of Sanger's life story, An Autobiography, appeared in 1938. There Sanger described her first cross-country lecture tour in 1916. Her standard speech asserted seven conditions of life that "mandated" the use of birth control: the third was "when parents, though normal, had subnormal children"; the fourth, "when husband and wife were adolescent"; the fifth, "when the earning capacity of the father was inadequate." No right existed to exercise sex knowledge to advance procreation. Sanger described the fact that "anyone, no matter how ignorant, how diseased mentally or physically, how lacking in all knowledge of children, seemed to consider he or she had the right to become a parent."

Religious Bigotry

In the 1910's and 1920's, the entire social order–religion, law, politics, medicine, and the media–was arrayed against the idea and practice of birth control. This opposition began in 1873 when an overwhelmingly Protestant Congress passed, and a Protestant president signed into law, a bill that became known as the Comstock Law, named after its main proponent, Anthony Comstock. The U.S. Congress classified obscene writing, along with drugs, and devices and articles that prevented conception or caused abortion, under the same net of criminality and forbade their importation or mailing.

Sanger set out to have such legislation abolished or amended. Her initial efforts were directed at the Congress with the opening of a Washington, D.C., office of her American Birth Control League in 1926. Sanger wanted to amend section 211 of the U.S. criminal code to allow the interstate shipment and mailing of contraceptives among physicians, druggists and drug manufacturers.

During January and February of 1926, Sanger and her co-workers personally interviewed 40 senators and 14 representatives. None agreed to introduce a bill to amend the Comstock Act. Fresh from this unanimous rejection, Sanger issued an update to her followers: Everywhere there is general acceptance of the idea, except in religious circles. . .The National Catholic Welfare Council [sic] (NCWC) has a special legislative committee organized to block and defeat our legislation. They frankly state that they intend to legislate for non-Catholics according to the dictates of the church.

There was no
such committee. But 20 non-Catholic lay or religious organizations joined NCWC in opposition to amending the Comstock Act. This was not the first time, nor was it to be the last, that Sanger sought to stir up sectarian strife by blaming Catholics for her legislative failures. Catholic-bashing was a standard tactic (one that Planned Parenthood still finds useful to this day), although other Christian groups now also come in for criticism.

Eight years later, in 1934, Sanger went to Congress again. Reporting on the first day of the hearings, the New York Times noted:
... the almost solidly Catholic opposition to the measure. This is now, according to Margaret Sanger. . . the only organized opposition to the proposal.

Sanger wrote a letter to her "Friends, Co-workers, and Endorsers" that portrayed the opposing testimony as the work of Catholics determined ... not to present facts to the committee but to intimidate them by showing a Catholic block of voters who (though in the minority in the United States) want to dictate to the majority of non-Catholics as directed from the Vatican in social and moral legislation ... American men and women, are we going to allow this insulting arrogance to bluff the American people?

For Sanger, the proper attitude toward her religious critics featured character assassination, personal vilification and old-fashioned bigotry. Her Birth Control Review printed an article that noted: "Today by the Roman Catholic clergy and their allies . . . Public opinion in America, I fear, is too willing to condone in the officials of the Roman Catholic Church what it condemns in the Ku Klux Klan.

A favorite Catholic-baiter of Sanger's was Norman E. Himes, who contributed articles to Sanger's journal. Himes claimed there were genetic differences between Catholics and non-Catholics.

Are Catholic stocks . . . genetically inferior to such non-Catholic libertarian stocks and Unitarians and Universal . . . Freethinkers? Inferior to non-Catholics in general? . . . my guess is that the answer will someday be made in the affirmative. . . and if the supposed differentials in net productivity are also genuine, the situation is anti-social, perhaps gravely so.

Sanger sought to isolate Catholics by creating a schism between them and Protestants, who had held parallel views of birth control and abortion for centuries. She welcomed a report from a majority of the Committee on Marriage and the Home of the General Council of Churches (later the National Council of Churches) advocating birth control. This committee was composed largely of social elite Protestants, including Mrs. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. A number of Protestant church bodies publicly repudiated the committee's endorsement.

The Rev. Worth Tippy, council executive secretary and author of the report, told Sanger in April 1931 that:
... the statement on Moral Aspects of Birth Control has aroused more opposition within the Protestant churches than we expected. Under the circumstances, and since we plan to carry on a steady work for liberalizing laws and to stimulate the establishment of clinics, it is necessary that we make good these losses and also increase our resources.Could you help me quietly by giving me the names of people of means who are interested in the birth control movement and might help us if I wrote them.

Sanger immediately wrote Tippy that she would be "glad to select names of persons from our lists whom I think might be able to subscribe." Tippy replied to Sanger a week later, offering to give her some names for fund raising and thanking her for the offer of "names of people who are able to contribute to generous causes and who are favorable to birth control." He also related that they had expected some reaction from the "fundamentalist groups," but nothing like what had happened.

Protestants repeatedly stated their unity with Catholics in opposing Planned Parenthood's initiatives. During Sanger's attempts to reform New York state law, another Protestant stood with Catholics. The Rev. John R. Straton, Pastor of the Calvary Baptist Church of New York City, said: "This bill is subversive of the human family . . . It is revolting, monstrous, against God's word and contradicts American traditions."

Sanger's attack on Catholics appeared to be an attempt to divert attention from the class politics of Planned Parenthood. The Rev. John A. Ryan wrote: ... their main objective is to increase the practice of birth-prevention among the poor . . . It is said that the present birth-prevention movement is to some extent financed by wealthy, albeit philanthropic persons. As far as I am aware , none of these is conspicuous in the movement for economic justice. None of them is crying out for a scale of wages which would enable workers to take care of a normal number of children.

Sanger's sexual license was another motivation for her Anti-Catholic sniping. A Sanger biographer, David M. Kennedy, said her primary goal was to "increase the quantity and quality of sexual relationships." The birth control movement, she said, freed the mind from "sexual prejudice and taboo, by demanding the frankest and most unflinching re-examination of sex in its relation to human nature and the basis of human society.

Sanger's Gamble

It was in 1939 that Sanger's larger vision for dealing with the reproductive practices of black Americans emerged. After the January 1939 merger of her Clinical Research Bureau and the ABCL to form the Birth Control Federation of America, Dr. Clarence J. Gamble was selected to become the BCFA regional director for the South. Dr. Gamble, of the soap-manufacturing Procter and Gamble company, was no newcomer to Sanger's organization. He had previously served as director at large to the predecessor ABCL.

Gamble lost no time and drew up a memorandum in November 1939 entitled "Suggestion for Negro Project." Acknowledging that black leaders might regard birth control as an extermination plot, he suggested that black leaders be place in positions where it would appear that they were in chargeÑas it was at an Atlanta conference.

It is evident from the rest of the memo that Gamble conceived the project almost as a traveling road show. A charismatic black minister was to start a revival, with "contributions" to come from other local cooperating ministers. A "colored nurse" would follow, supported by a subsidized "colored doctor." Gamble even suggested that music might be a useful lure to bring the prospects to a meeting.

Sanger answered Gamble on Dec. 10. 1939, agreeing with the assessment. She wrote: "We do not want the word to go out that we want to exterminate the Negro population, and the minister is the man who can straighten that idea out if it ever occurs to any of their more rebellious members." In 1940, money for two "Negro Project" demonstration programs in southern states was donated by advertising magnate Albert D. Lasker and his wife, Mary.

Birth control was presented both as an economic betterment vehicle and as a health measure that could lower the incidence of infant mortality. At the 1942 BCFA annual meeting, BCFA Negro Council board member Dr. Dorothy B. Ferebee–a cum laude graduate of Tufts and also president of Alpha Kappa Alpha, the nation's largest black sorority–addressed the delegates regarding Planned Parenthood's minority outreach efforts : With the Negro group some of the most difficult obstacles . . . to overcome are: (1) the concept that when birth control is proposed to them, it is motivated by a clever bit of machination to persuade them to commit race suicide; (2) the so-called "husband rejection" . . . (3) the fact that birth control is confused with abortion, and (4) the belief that is inherently immoral. However, as formidable as these objections may seem, when thrown against the total picture of the awareness on the part of the Negro leaders of the improved condition under Planned Parenthood, or the genuine interest and eagerness of the families themselves to secure the services which will give them a fair chance for health and happiness, the obstacles to the program are greatly outweighed.

Birth control as an economic improvement measure had some appeal to those lowest on the income ladder. In the black Chicago Defender for Jan. 10, 1942, a long three-column women's interest article discussed the endorsement of the Sanger program by prominent black women. There were at lease six express references, such as the following example, to birth control as a remedy for economic woes:" . . . it raises the standard of living by enabling parents to adjust the family size to the family income." Readers were also told that birth control" . . . is no operation. It is no abortion. Abortion kills life after it has begun. . . Birth Control is neither harmful nor immoral."

But the moral stumbling block could only be surmounted by Afro-American religious leaders, so black ministers were solicited. Florence Rose, long-time Sanger secretary, prepared an activities report during March 1942 detailing the progress of the "Negro Project." She recounted a recent meeting with a Planned Parenthood Negro Division board member, Bishop David H. Sims (African Methodist Episcopal Church), who appreciated Planned Parenthood's recognition of the extent of black opposition to birth control and its efforts to build up support among black leaders. He offered whatever assistance he could give.

Bishop Sims offered to begin the "softening process" among the representatives of different Negro denominations attending the monthly meetings of the Federal Council of Churches and its Division of Race Relations.

These and other efforts paid off handsomely after World War II. By 1949, virtually the entire black leadership network of religious, social, professional, and academic organizations had endorsed Planned Parenthood's program.

National Scandal

More than a decade later, Planned Parenthood continued targeting minority communities, but without much success.

In 1940, nonwhite women aged 18 to 19 experienced 61 births per 1,000 unmarried women. In 1968, the corresponding figure was 112 per 1,000, a 100 percent jump. What other factor could account for the increased rate of sexual activity than wider access to birth control, with its promise of sex without tears and consequences?

Alan Guttmacher, then president of Planned Parenthood, was desperate to show policy-makers that birth control would produce a situation whereby "minority groups who constantly outbreed the majority will no longer persist in doing so. . . "

Despite claims that racial or ethnic groups were not being "targeted," American blacks, among whose ranks a greater proportion of the poor were numbered, received a high priority in Planned Parenthood's nationwide efforts. Donald B. Strauss, chairman of Planned ParenthoodÑWorld Population, urged the 1964 Democratic national Convention to liberalize the party's stated policies on birth control, and to adopt domestic and foreign policy platform resolutions to conform with long-sought San gerite goals: [While almost one-fourth of nonwhite parents have four or more children under 18 living with them, only 8% of the white couples have that many children living at home. For the Negro parent in particular, the denial of access to family planning professional guidance forecloses one more avenue to family advancement and well-being..

Unwanted children would not get the job training and educational skills they needed to compete in a shrinking labor market; moreover, unwanted children are a product and a cause of poverty.

Surveying the "successes" of tax-subsidized birth control programs, Guttmacher noted in 1970 that "[Birth control services are proliferating in areas adjacent to concentrations of black population." (In the 1980's, targeting the inner-city black communities for school based sex clinics became more sensitive than expected.)

Guttmacher thought that as long as the birth rate continued to fall or remained at a low level, Planned Parenthood should certainly be introduced before family size by coercion is attempted."

Reaching this goal, he thought, would best be accomplished by having groups other than the PPFA preach the doctrine of a normative 2.1-child family, as doing this would offend Planned Parenthood's minority clients. He suggested that family size would decrease if abortion were liberalized nationwide and received government support. In this prediction he was right on target.

But Guttmacher did not completely reject forced population control: Predicting 20 critical years ahead in the struggle to control the population explosion, Dr. Alan Guttmacher, president of Planned parenthoodÑWorld Population, continues to urge the use of all voluntary means to hold down on the world birthrate. But he foresees the possibility that eventual coercion may become necessary, particularly in areas where the pressure is greatest, possibly India and China. "Each country," he says, "will have to decide its own form of coercion, and determine when and how it should be employed. At Present, the means are compulsory sterilization and compulsory abortion. Perhaps some day a way of enforcing compulsory birth control will be feasible.

Coerced abortion is already practiced in China, with the International Planned Parenthood Federation's approval.

Extreme Irony

Despite its past, Planned Parenthood has managed to present the image of toleration and minority participation through the vehicle of its divorced, telegenic, African American president, Ms. Faye Wattleton, appointed titular head of the PPFA in 1978, a post she still holds. Though paid in the six-figure range, she has impeccable minority credentials that would have fit the public relations criteria for both Margaret Sanger and Dr. Clarence Gamble.

Wattleton's PPFA biography touts her as a friend of the "Poor and the young"; a nurse at Harlem Hospital; and the recipient of the 1989 Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Humanitarian Award and the World Institute of Black Communicators' 1986 Excellence in Black Communications Award. It further states she was featured in a national photography exhibit, "I Dream A World: Portraits of Black Women Who Changed America"; interviewed in Ebony; and was the cover story in Black Enterprise magazine. (Time published a profile of Wattleton in 1990 entitled "Nothing Less Than Perfect.")

Her ideological orientation has received certification in the form of the Better World Society's 1989 Population Model, the 1986 American Humanist Award, and others. But surely, the spectacle of the Congressional Black Caucus awarding its humanitarian award to the black woman who presides over the organization that has hastened and justified the death of almost eight million black children since 1973 and facilitates the demise of the black family is ironic in the extreme.

Killer Angel

In his book, Killer Angel, George Grant says: "Myths, according to theologian J. l. packer, are Ôstories made up to sanctify social patterns.' They are lies, carefully designed to reinforce a particular philosophy or morality within a culture. They are instruments of manipulation and control.

Killer Angel tells the real story behind one of the biggest myths that controls our culture todayÑthe life and legacy of Margaret Sanger, founder of Planned Parenthood. Grant exposes "the Big Lie" perpetuated by Sanger's followers and the organization she started.

Through detailed research and concise writing, Grant unveils Sanger's true character and ideology, which included blatant racism, revolutionary socialism, sexual perversion and insatiable avarice. Grant includes direct quotes from sources such as Sanger's Birth Control Review to support his findings. His biography spans Sanger's disturbed and unhappy upbringingÑwhich Sanger said contributed to her agitation and bitterness later in lifeÑto her eventual fixation with drugs, alcohol and the occult.

Particularly shocking was Sanger's involvement in the Eugenics movement. Grant says: "[Sanger] was thoroughly convinced that the Ôinferior races' were in fact Ôhuman weeds' and a Ômenace to civilization.' . . . [S]he was a true believer, not simply someone who assimilated the jargon of the timesÑas Planned Parenthood officials would have us believe."

Sanger died September 6, 1966, a week before her eighty-seventh birthday. Grant says: "[She] had nearly fulfilled her early boast that she would spend every last penny of Slee's [her second husband] fortune. In the process, though, she had lost everything else: love, happiness, satisfaction, fulfillment, family, and friends. In the end, her struggle was her naught."

The truth uncovered in grant's book has proven to be a threat to those who follow the cult of :Planned Parenthood. In fact, Killer Angel was recently banned from a public library in Toledo, Ohio. A library manager stated in a letter that, "The author's political and social agenda, which is strongly expoused throughout the book, is not appropriate even in a critical biography of its subject."

In response, Grant pointed out that "The question at hand is whether librarians should be making subjective judgments about my political beliefs and the beliefs of other authors."

By censoring Killer Angel, the library appears to be violating its own policies, which state that, "the Library collection shall include representative materials of all races and nationalities, and all political, religious, economic and social views." Except Christian views, apparently.

While the Toledo public library may not be interested in the information put forth in Grant's book, pro-lifers will find this biography useful and enlightening. It serves as a powerful tool in dispelling the myths surrounding a woman considered a heroine by manyÑwho began an organization that is responsible for the deaths of millions of unborn children.

Grant states that, "Margaret Sanger and her heirs at Planned Parenthood . . . have thus far been able to parlay the deception into a substantial empire. But now the truth must be told. The illusion must be exposed." Killer Angel does an outstanding job in doing that.

Sanger's Legacy is Reproductive Freedom and Racism

Despite Margaret Sanger's contributions to birth control and hence women's freedom and empowerment, her legacy is diminished by her sympathies with eugenics. This writer says that, like many modern feminists, Sanger ignored class and race.

(WOMENSENEWS)--Margaret Sanger opened the nation's first birth control clinic in 1916. For the rest of her life she worked to establish a woman's right to control her body and to decide when or whether to have a child. In 1921, she founded the American Birth Control league, the forerunner of Planned Parenthood.

Her impact on contemporary society is tremendous. Enabling women to control their fertility and giving them access to contraception, as advocated by Sanger, makes it possible for women to have a broader set of life options, especially in the areas of education and employment, than if their lives are dominated by unrelieved childbearing.

A recent reminder of Sanger's impact on our society came when the Equal employment Opportunity Commission found that it is illegal sex discrimination to exclude prescription contraceptives from an otherwise comprehensive health benefits plan. Sanger's efforts to provide access to contraception are at the foundation of decisions to provide equal access to prescription contraceptives and other prescriptions.

Still, especially with the Bush administration, activists will have to fight to maintain access to contraception and to abortion. In April, the House of Representatives passed legislation that would establish criminal penalties for harming a fetus during the commission of a crime. While proponents of the bill say it does not include abortion, some see fetal protection legislation as an attempt to undermine abortion rights. The passage of this legislation is a reminder that the rights Margaret Sanger worked so hard to establish are tenuous rights that many would challenge.

For all her positive influence, I see Sanger as a tarnished heroine whose embrace of the eugenics movement showed racial insensitivity, at best. From her associates, as well as from some of the articles that were published in Sanger's magazine, the Birth Control review, it is possible to conclude that "racially insensitive" is too mild a description. Indeed, some of her statements, taken in or out of context, are simply racist. And she never rebuked eugenicists who believed in improving the hereditary qualities of a race or breed by controlling mating in order to eliminate "undesirable" characteristics and promote "desirable" traits.

Sanger: We Must Limit the Over-Fertility of Mentally, Physically Defective

"Our failure to segregate morons who are increasing and multiplying . . . demonstrates our foolhardy and extravagant sentimentalism," she wrote in the recently republished "The Pivot of Civilization." This book, written in 1922, was published at a time when scientific racism had been used to assert black inferiority. Who determines who is a moron? How would these morons be segregated? The ramifications of such statements are bone chilling.

In a 1921 article in the Birth Control Review, Sanger wrote, "The most urgent problem today is how to limit and discourage the over-fertility of the mentally and physically defective." Reviewers of one of her 1919 articles interpreted her objectives as "More children from the fit, less from the unfit." Again, the question of who decides fitness is important, and it was an issue that Sanger only partly addressed. "The undeniably feebleminded should indeed, not only be discouraged but prevented from propagating their kind," she wrote.

Sanger advocated the mandatory sterilization of the insane and feebleminded." Although this does not diminish her legacy as the key force in the birth control movement, it raises questions much like those now being raised about our nation's slaveholding founders. How do we judge historical figures? How are their contributions placed in context?

It is easy to see why there is some antipathy toward Sanger among people of color, considering that, given our nation's history, we are the people most frequently described as "unfit" and "feebleminded."

Many African American women have been subject to nonconsensual forced sterilization. Some did not even know that they were sterilized until they tried, unsuccessfully, to have children. In 1973, Essence Magazine published an expose of forced sterilization practices in the rural South, where racist physicians felt they were performing a service by sterilizing black women without telling them. While one cannot blame Margaret Sanger for the actions of these physician, one can certainly see why Sanger's words are especially repugnant in a racial context.

The Planned Parenthood Federation of America has been protective of Margaret Sanger's reputation and defensive of allegations that she was a racist. They correctly point out that many of the attacks on Sanger come from anti-choice activists who have an interest in distorting both Sanger's work and that of Planned Parenthood. While it is understandable that Planned Parenthood would be protective of their founder's reputation, it cannot ignore the fact that Sanger edited the Birth Control review from its inception until 1929. Under her leadership, the magazine featured articles that embraced the eugenicist position. If Sanger were as anti-eugenics as Planned Parenthood says she was, she would not have printed as many articles sympathetic to eugenics as she did.

Like Many Modern Feminists, Sanger Ignored Race and Class

Would the NAACP's house organ, Crisis Magazine, print articles by members of the Ku Klux Klan? Would Planned Parenthood publish articles penned by fetal protectionist South Carolina republican Lindsey Graham?

The articled published in the Birth Control Review showed Sanger's empathy with some eugenicist views. Margaret Sanger worked closely with W. E. B. DuBois on her "Negro Project," an effort to expose Southern black women to birth control. Mary McLeod Bethune and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. were also involved in the effort. Much later, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. accepted an award from Planned Parenthood and complimented the organization's efforts. It is entirely possible that Sanger Ôs views evolved over time. Certainly, by the late 1940s, she spoke about ways to solve the "Negro problem" in the United States. This evolution, however commendable, does not eradicate the impact of her earlier statements.

What, then, is Sanger's legacy?

The Planned Parenthood Federation of America has grown to an organization with 129 affiliates. It operates 875 health centers and serves about 5 million women each year. Planned Parenthood has been a leader in the fight for women's right to choose and in providing access to affordable reproductive health care for a cross-section of women. Planned Parenthood has not supported forced sterilization or restricted immigration and has gently rejected the most extreme of Sanger's views.

In many ways, Sanger is no different from contemporary feminists who, after making the customary acknowledgement of issues dealing with race and class, return to analysis that focuses exclusively on gender. These are the feminists who feel that women should come together around "women's issues" and battle out our differences later. In failing to acknowledge differences and the differential impact of a set of policies, these feminists make it difficult for women to come together.

Sanger published the Birth Control Review at the same time that black men, returning from World War I, were lynched in uniform. That she did not see the harm in embracing exclusionary jargon about sterilization and immigration suggests that she was, at best, socially myopic.

That's reason enough to suggest that her leadership was flawed and her legacy crippled by her insensitivity.


Arthur de Gobineau

Joseph Arthur Comte de Gobineau (July 14, 1816 - October 13, 1882) was a French aristocrat who became famous for advocating White Supremacy and developing the racialist theory of the "Aryan master race" in his book An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races (1853-1855).

Life & racialist theories

Gobineau was a successful diplomat for the French Second Empire, posted to Persia, before working in Brazil and other countries. He came to believe that race created culture, arguing that distinctions between the three "black", "white", and "yellow" races were natural barriers, and that "race-mixing" breaks those barriers and leads to chaos. Gobineau's tripartite division of human populations corresponds to the categories of "Negroid" {black}, "Caucasoid" {white}, and "Mongoloid" {yellow}. He believed the "white race" superior to the others and that it corresponds to the ancient Indo-European culture also known as "Aryan".

In Gobineau's view the development of empires was ultimately destructive to the "superior races" that created them, since they led to the mixing of distinct "races", seen as inevitable "degeneration". He called this process "Semiticization", because of his belief that Semitic peoples were a product of the Middle-Eastern cross-over between the otherwise distinct three "races." Because he believed Semitic peoples to be a cross between white, black, and yellow racial elements, Gobineau considered Arabs and Jews to be at the bottom of the racial ladder, in contrast to later racial theorists such as Madison Grant, who believed black "Negroids" to be the most primitive "race". Gobineau also considered Nordic peoples to be the "purest" and fairest whites, and so to be superior to other Caucasians, laying the foundations for the "Nordic theory".

He visited Bayreuth, home of Richard Wagner shortly before his death, influencing the development of the anti-Semitic "Bayreuth circle".


He is also known to Bahá'is as the person who obtained the only complete manuscript of the early history of the Bábí religious movement of Persia, written by Hâjji Mirza Jân of Kashan who was put to death by the Persian authorities in c.1852. The manuscript is now in the National French Library at Paris.

Gobineau also wrote novels, notably Les Pléiades (1874). His study La Renaissance (1877) was also admired in his day. Both of these works strongly expressed his reactionary aristocratic politics, and his hatred of democratic mass culture.

Gobineau believed himself to be the descendant of Nordic Vikings and Condottieri.


Backing Dark Horse Boehner May Mean Big Payoff for a Few

By Chris Cillizza

Sunday, February 5, 2006; Page A05

After last week's House Republican leadership elections, the main winner was obvious: Rep. John A. Boehner (Ohio) was the new majority leader after a surprising come-from-behind victory over Rep. Roy Blunt (Mo.), who will have to stay content in his current job as majority whip.

The top-of-the-ticket contest also produced some less public victories and defeats for rank-and-file members, however.

Rep. Jim McCrery, left, gambled on Rep. John A. Boehner as majority leader and won, but Rep. E. Clay Shaw Jr., right, wasn't so lucky.
Rep. Jim McCrery, left, gambled on Rep. John A. Boehner as majority leader and won, but Rep. E. Clay Shaw Jr., right, wasn't so lucky. (By Melina Mara -- The Washington Post)

among the House members who saw a big run-up in their political stock:

Rep. Pat Tiberi (Ohio) : Tiberi was described by one well-connected party strategist as the "worker bee" of the Boehner operation. A junior member of the GOP caucus, expect Tiberi to be rewarded with a plum post or two in the coming months.

Rep. Jim McCrery (La.) : McCrery took a major gamble by supporting Boehner, as backing the wrong horse probably would have cost him the Ways and Means Committee chairmanship when Rep. Bill Thomas (Calif.) is term-limited out of the post after this Congress. Boehner's victory strengthens McCrery's status as the front-runner for the powerful chairmanship come 2007, assuming the GOP keeps its majority this fall.

Rep. Tom Latham (Iowa) : Latham is Boehner's closest friend in the House and one of his three closest friends in Congress, along with Sens. Richard Burr (N.C.) and Saxby Chambliss (Ga.).

Rep. Pete Sessions (Tex.) : Like McCrery, Sessions staked his ambition to be the next chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee on his support for Boehner. Sessions is widely regarded as the favorite for the campaign job in the 2008 cycle.

Other Republicans were left to lick their wounds with Blunt.

Rep. E. Clay Shaw Jr. (Fla.) : He gambled and lost. He had been, with McCrery, one of two front-runners for the Ways and Means gavel in 2007. There now seems little doubt who will get it if Republicans stay in control.

Rep. Tom Cole (Okla.) : See Shaw. Cole, who is competing with Sessions and Pennsylvania Rep. Phil English to chair the NRCC, was a public Blunt supporter.

Rep. Wayne T. Gilchrest (Md.) : After initially supporting Boehner, Gilchrest jumped to Blunt at the eleventh hour in exchange for a committee chairmanship. He may be waiting for a while.

Rep. Joe Barton (Tex.) : Barton was entrusted with delivering the massive Texas delegation to Blunt. Whether or not he did it (the vote was by secret ballot), his candidate came up short, and his allegiance to Blunt may well linger in Boehner's mind.

Vilsack, Allen Root for Same Side

If Virginia Sen. George Allen (R) and Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack (D) run into each other today at the Super Bowl in Detroit, they'll have more to talk about than you might think.

First, both men are weighing presidential bids in 2008, beginning the long process of assembling the staff and fundraising apparatus necessary to make a national race.

More important than their desire to be commander in chief, however, is that both men will be rooting for the Pittsburgh Steelers -- albeit for quite different reasons..

For Vilsack, a Pittsburgh native, his relationship with the Black and Yellow borders on the obsessive.

Last week, Vilsack said he was concerned about his team's prospects because his prized Steelers hat had fallen from its perch, on the corner of a photo in his office, immediately after Pittsburgh's win over the Denver Broncos. Those fears were somewhat mollified by the fact his Terrible Towel remained in its "special" place throughout the two-week run-up to the big game, however. "We're going to find out which is the stronger," Vilsack said.

Allen is less of a Steelers fanatic but is rooting for the team, nonetheless.

His prime motivator is Chris LaCivita, one of Allen's longtime political lieutenants, who "bleeds black and gold," in the senator's words. "He has been wearing the same jersey for weeks without washing it, and I don't want him to be all depressed," Allen said.

The Virginia senator also is friendly with Steelers great John Stallworth, who was part of the same Pro Football Hall of Fame induction class as Allen's father, George Sr. -- the successful coach of the Los Angeles Rams and Washington Redskins.

Backing Pittsburgh has some residual financial benefits for Allen, as well. Tim Rooney, a member of the family that has long owned the Steelers, appeared on the host committee for an Allen fundraiser during Super Bowl weekend; the cash-collecting event was for Allen's 2006 reelection effort, but given the financial heavy hitters in attendance (Washington Redskins owner Daniel Snyder and real estate developer Dwight Schar to name two), it could well be the fundraising foundation for a presidential campaign.

GOP Loses Big Name in N.Y.

The decision by billionaire businessman Tom Golisano last week not to run for the open New York gubernatorial seat leaves GOPers without the man some considered the most formidable candidate to challenge the ubiquitous state Attorney General Eliot Spitzer (D) for the state's top job come November.

Golisano, of Rochester, was seen as a potential savior by some Republicans, who coveted his considerable name identification and even more considerable bank account.

With Golisano out, Republicans are left with a mishmash of largely unknown candidates -- a problem illustrated in a Marist College poll released just before Golisano's decision.

In it, Golisano led the Republican primary field with 33 percent. Former Massachusetts governor William F. Weld placed a distant second with 8 percent while former state assembly minority leader John Faso took 4 percent.

Cillizza is a staff writer for His online politics column, The Fix, appears daily at

June 16, 2005

Black Men: Missing

By Salim Muwakkil

As we limp into the 21st century, a gender gap is rending the fabric of the entire African-American community.

The overwhelming absence of Black men has always been one of the most distressing facts about life in America’s public housing developments. In Chicago, for example, black women are the vast majority of lease holders in the Chicago Housing Authority; men are like ghosts in the projects.

Besieged by poverty, disease, violence and mass incarceration, African-American men are conspicuously missing in action. At one time, this gender imbalance afflicted mostly lower-income neighborhoods. But as we limp into the 21st century, that gender gap is rending the fabric of the entire African-American community.

Where have all the Black men gone?” asked the headline on a story by Jonathan Tilove for The Star Ledger in Newark, N.J. The article examined the New Jersey city of East Orange, where there are 37 percent more adult women than men. Tilove wrote that most of the missing men are dead, and many others are locked up or in the military.

“Worst yet,” he wrote, “the gender imbalance in East Orange is not some grotesque anomaly. It’s a vivid snapshot of a very troubling reality in black America.” Tilove noted that nationwide adult black women outnumber black men by 2 million. With nearly another million black men in prison or the military, the reality in most black communities across the country is an even greater imbalance—a gap of 2.8 million, or 26 percent, according to Census Bureau figures for 2002. The comparable disparity for whites was 8 percent.

In some cities the gap is even higher. There are more than 30 percent more black women than men in Baltimore, New Orleans, Chicago and Cleveland. In New York City the number is 36 percent and in Philadelphia, 37 percent. As the black population ages, the gap widens. “By the time people reach their 60s in East Orange, there are 47 percent more black women than men,” Tilove wrote.

This growing gender gap has enormously negative implications for the future of black America. And there are nuances in the statistics that make the prognosis even bleaker. For example, among well-educated, professional black women—a group that is growing rapidly—the gap is a chasm. Surely, that progress for black women is good news that shouldn’t be overlooked. However, as black women advance, black men are falling even further behind.

In fact, the more successful a black woman becomes, the more likely she will end up alone, Walter Farrell, a University of North Carolina professor, said in a March 2002 Washington Monthly article. As a result, professional black women are having fewer children, meaning that a growing percentage of black children are being born into less educated, less affluent families.

The recent edition of the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education warns that “a large and growing gender gap in African-American higher education has become a troublesome trend casting a shadow on overall black education progress.” The Journal reports that in 2001, there were 1,095,000 black women enrolled in institutions of higher education and only 604,000 black men. The gap, which is even wider at professional schools, has increased since 2001.

It’s also important to note that despite unprecedented gains, black women are the fastest growing group of inmates in the nation’s prisons. And they still bear the brunt of urban poverty as single parents in the commercial wastelands that too often are their neighborhoods.

Unless we make some dramatic changes in the way our society tracks black men, all of these conditions will worsen, with increasingly nightmarish consequences. The primary culprit is the tracking of black men into a criminal justice system that a growing number of critics have dubbed the “prison-industrial complex.” Many are there because of the so-called war on drugs and its accompanying mandatory minimum sentences.

The tracking process begins in elementary school, where African-American males routinely are assumed to be academically deficient and then demonized for their angry reactions to those biased assumptions. Resentful of a system that blithely dismisses their potential, many black boys eventually become alienated from scholastic activity. A recent study found that only 38 percent of Chicago’s black males have graduated from high school since 1995.

These uneducated youth are the raw material of the prison-industrial complex. Lacking marketable skills, they flock to the ruthless underground economy of drug commerce where they are easily siphoned into the “injustice” system—victims of the drug war. Some also become victims of lethal gun violence—homicide remains the leading cause of death for young black men.

Unless we strenuously intervene to better the prospects of African-American men, who incidentally comprise about one-eighth of the earth’s entire population of prison inmates, we may just be accomplices to a process of genocide in our own country.

Salim Muwakkil is a senior editor of In These Times


Zapatistas spark a debate in Mexico

By Lance Selfa | October 7, 2005 |

THE ZAPATISTAS in Mexico have launched their “other campaign,” opening up a debate inside the Mexican left about what position to take on the 2006 presidential elections.

In their Sixth Declaration from the Lacandón Jungle, the Zapatistas invited many socially excluded groups to “participate directly with the Zapatistas in this NATIONAL CAMPAIGN for the construction of another way of making politics, of a program of national struggle that is of the left, and for a new Constitution.”

The most controversial part of the Declaration and other statements to the press from Zapatista spokesman Subcommander Marcos are the strong criticisms of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and its presidential candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

López Obrador--who is the leading candidate to win next year’s presidential vote, according to opinion polls--and the PRD have a history of being a left-wing alternative in Mexican politics, but the Zapatistas say they are becoming more and more like the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the corrupt party that ruled Mexico for 70 years until its defeat in the 2000 election.

“We’re not going to remain quiet, and not only because the return of the PRI can be already seen in the higher ranks and circle around López Obrador, and because the right today dresses in black and yellow [the PRD’s colors], but also because what is at stake isn’t just a set of jobs and appointments, payrolls and budgets that are put up for sale during elections, but the existence of a nation and the sovereignty of its inhabitants,” said Marcos at a meeting of activist organizations held in Chiapas on August 14.

This criticism has caused a lot of discomfort among some left-wing activists and intellectuals who support López Obrador’s candidacy. To author Elena Poniatowska, “what Marcos is doing is dividing the left, which seems absurd to me.” Octavio Rodríguez Araújo, another intellectual and strong supporter of the Zapatistas, said that Marcos should “see a psychiatrist.”

Nevertheless, this debate is healthy for the Mexican left and for the left in the rest of the world.

The enormous April 24 demonstration in Mexico City against the trumped-up impeachment charges leveled at López Obrador showed that the Mexican people want a real change from the politics of free-market economics and the corruption that have dominated the country for many years.

But instead of channeling this sentiment into a movement for fundamental change, López Obrador and his advisers are trying to ride it into the presidential palace. At the same time, López Obrador has gone out of his way to assure the bankers, the media and the Bush administration that he is a “centrist” politician, who has no plans for radical change should he be elected president.

The PRD, which attracted the support of much of the Mexican left after its founding in 1989, has increasingly become a haven for opportunists leaving the PRI, and even for business people. Many of the PRI opportunists participated in or supported governments in the 1980s and 1990s that imposed disastrous neoliberal policies on Mexico. Few of them have renounced their pasts.

At least the Zapatistas have challenged the left not to feel satisfied with the election of López Obrador as a “lesser evil” to the main neoliberal parties, the National Action Party (PAN) and the PRI. The example of the Workers Party in Brazil, and its betrayal of its working-class base, is very much on the minds of the Zapatistas and other Mexican activists.

Nevertheless, the Zapatista proposal has its own problems. Zapatista statements tend to discount any electoral participation, including by socialists or other genuine leftists. And Zapatista declarations about what the “other campaign”--the extra parliamentary one--should do, are vague.

Another important development is that several socialist groups have announced plans to create a Socialist Front to offer an alternative to Mexican voters during the 2006 elections. The groups that are organizing the Socialist Front participated in the recent Zapatista-sponsored meetings among activists in Chiapas.

The socialists will support actions organized by the “other campaign,” while at the same time running their electoral campaign, whose goal will be to strengthen the Mexican left.

Whatever happens, the social change that Mexicans desperately need will happen only as a result of struggle from below, in workplaces, in working-class communities and in the countryside--wherever the Mexican working class can be found.

Home page


March 12, 2006, 2:15AM
Frist finishes first in GOP presidential straw poll
Would-be 2008 hopeful McCain gives Bush his 'entertaining' votes

In the past, such straw votes have gained much attention but proved politically meaningless.

• No prediction : The late Sen. Alan Cranston of California, the Rev. Pat Robertson and then-Sen. Phil Gramm of Texas all won straw polls in their presidential bids. None came close to capturing their party's nomination.

MEMPHIS, TENN. - Sen. Bill Frist of Tennessee avoided embarrassment Saturday night by finishing first in a straw poll of presidential preferences by Republican Party activists here, an exercise that was seen as an early — if dubious — test of strength in the 2008 campaign.

Frist, who bused in supporters to ensure he came out on top in the home-state balloting, finished with 37 percent of the vote, followed by Gov. Mitt Romney of Massachusetts with 14 percent. Sen. George Allen of Virginia tied with President Bush at 10 percent, and Sen. John McCain of Arizona finished in fourth place with 5 percent. Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas received 4 percent of the vote, and a smattering of other candidates finished below him.

The vote, which highlighted a weekend gathering of GOP loyalists from more than two dozen states, was deliberately undercut by Sen. John McCain of Arizona and his backers. Demurring, he urged write-in support for Bush, who cannot seek a third term.

"Straw polls are entertaining, my friends, even extremely early ones," McCain told activists in a speech Friday night. "But I think we have bigger things to worry about." With a war on, he said, Bush is "the only one who needs our support today."

Bush won the 1998 version of Saturday's poll, an early sign of his establishment support. But the next several finishers — businessman Steve Forbes, former Vice President Dan Quayle and then-Sen. Fred Thompson of Tennessee — had little further success. (Thompson never ran for president.)

Still, political insiders were closely watching Saturday night's tally in Memphis, for lack of any better yardstick in the GOP nomination fight.

The poll was conducted by the Hotline, an online political newsletter based in Washington, D.C.

Participating were roughly 2,000 Republican loyalists from 26 states, who paid up to $225 each to attend the combined Southern Republican and Midwestern Leadership Conference.

A White House spokeswoman, Dana Perino, told the Hotline on the eve of the straw poll, "We certainly appreciate the support and spirit" of McCain's gesture. But she suggested Bush was more focused on the 2006 campaign, when control of the House and Senate are at stake.

Huckabee, speaking to reporters as the balloting got under way, offered perhaps the most candid assessment. "I don't see this as a referendum," he said, then quickly added, "If I do real well, I'm sure I'll say it's the most important thing that ever happened."

Barking and Biting
Yellow Dogs and Blue Dogs

Talk to any old hand about Texas political history, and reference to the days when "yellow dog Democrats" ran the state is bound to come up. Even now, when such animals are an endangered species in the state, the line still gets applause among die-hard Democrats. But at a time when Republicans occupy all statewide offices, and their party holds majorities in both houses of the state legislature, many may ask: "A what Democrat?"

The Democratic Party that dominated Texas politics from Reconstruction through the early 1960s differed considerably from the current Democratic Party. For almost a century, a Democratic Party largely dominated by white conservatives prevailed in almost all statewide elections. Some of the benchmark issues that defined the Democratic Party in national politics--such as support for civil rights for ethnic and racial minorities, opposition to U.S. military intervention in the third world, and support for social programs--were the province of a durable but usually besieged minority within the Texas Democratic Party until the mid-1970s.

How did such a situation evolve? Over decades and generations a single-party system consolidated, feeding (and fed by) the development of a political culture in which many Southerners came to identify so strongly with the Democratic Party that they would not even imagine voting for a candidate from another party. Even as the national party moved in directions markedly different from the foundations of traditional southern Democrats (like strong advocacy of vigorous enforcement of civil rights), many refused to vote for Republican candidates. Republicans were still associated with Reconstruction and were identified as a non-southern party.

The term "yellow dog" derives from the saying, "I'd vote for a yellow dog if he ran on the Democratic ticket." In the 1928 presidential election campaign, yellow dog Democrats were Alabamans who remained loyal to the party even though they did not like the Democratic candidate, Al Smith. Because the expression came generally to be used to describe loyal Southern Democrats, it also frequently had a somewhat moderate to conservative connotation, as if referring to "old school" Democrats.

Even as yellow dogs were becoming a rare breed, the "dog" moniker got refurbished, though on a smaller scale. After the Republican Party won the majority in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1994, a group of thirty-three conservative Democrats formed the Blue Dog Coalition. The Blue Dogs represent a stronger break from the national (more liberal) Democratic Party, and could be traced back to Democrats who crossed party lines to support some of Ronald Reagan's policies in the 1980s.

In the 108th Congress (2002-2004), there were thirty-six Blue Dog Democrats, twelve from former Confederate states, counting three from Texas. Another six Blue Dogs represented Virginia, Missouri, Florida, and Kentucky. Befitting a more modern group, they even have a website. Yet old yellow dogs can learn new tricks, too--the official weblog of the Democratic Party is called the Yellow Dog Blog.



Yellow is for politics

Posted: May 20, 2003

© 2003

WASHINGTON – It's now plain that the administration's color-coded threat alert is more useful as a political barometer than a terror warning system.

Despite al-Qaida's bombing of Americans in Saudi, despite signs Osama bin Laden is still calling the shots, despite his renewed threats against America, despite increased terrorist "chatter," and despite the discovery of al-Qaida agents scouting new U.S. targets to hit, the Homeland Security Department has decided there is no need to raise the threat level from yellow to orange. The risk of a terrorist attack, according to your government, is not high right now.

Meanwhile, the State Department is evacuating Americans from Saudi Arabia and other places abroad, and the FBI is warning state and local police to be on the lookout for car bombers and bomb-laden planes buzzing around gas refineries and nuke plants.

What's going on? Politics.

Recall that as we went to war, the administration hiked the threat level to orange – high – warning that al-Qaida would use the war as a pretext for launching attacks against America. Homeland Security sent us scrambling for duct tape and plastic sheeting to protect us from nerve agents and other alleged weapons of mass destruction Saddam Hussein allegedly shared with bin Laden in their alleged terror co-op.

Never happened.

But the warning dovetailed nicely with the administration's main excuses for launching a preemptive strike on, and takeover of, Iraq. After the war, it was safe to lower it back to yellow, because our troops had driven Saddam from power and the threat had passed, or so the administration said.

Then bin Laden struck. Oops.

In not elevating the warning now, the administration explains it has no specific and credible threats of terrorist attacks against targets in America.

But it didn't have any concrete threats when it raised the alert to orange during last year's 9-11 anniversary. That move was based on increased "chatter" among Islamic fundamentalists overseas.

Nor did it have specific and credible threats of a major homeland attack during the Iraq war. The justification for raising the alert to orange was based almost entirely on theory – a theory that never panned out, but one that helped convince the American people that al-Qaida and Iraq were linked.

Difference is, now the administration has a potential political liability going into the 2004 campaign cycle, and is loath to draw attention to it.

Al-Qaida was supposed to be "weakened," not revived; and bin Laden was supposed to be "on the run," not issuing new attack orders. Raising the threat level now would only confirm al-Qaida's resurgence, and call into question the administration's focus on Saddam while bin Laden was still on the prowl.

A similar political dynamic was at work last October – right before the mid-term congressional election – when al-Qaida blew up nearly 200 people, including several Americans, in Bali. It also attacked Americans in Kuwait, the Philippines and Jordan.

Even as the CIA director warned Congress that the al-Qaida threat environment was "as bad as it was the summer before 9-11," the administration chose not to warn the American people.

The White House explained that there were no specific or credible threats, yet the State Department cited "credible indications" of new al-Qaida attacks in issuing a 6-month-long "Worldwide Caution" that warned U.S. workers abroad to confine their activities to their homes and offices. In an update, it cited "the statement released by Usama bin Laden" in a tape-recording authenticated by the CIA.

So what would have been the harm in alerting Americans at home? None, really. The administration warned them unnecessarily around Sept. 11, 2002, and again during the Iraq war, without much harm (although many hardware stores refused to refund duct-tape sales, and some hapless souls entombed themselves in plastic-sealed rooms).

But Republicans were another story.

The potential harm last fall was political, just as it is now. Amplifying the al-Qaida threat and bin Laden's survival just weeks before the congressional election may have hurt the president's party at the polls, jeopardizing his chances at control of the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue. Most Republicans, at least the ones who listen to Bush dittohead Rush Limbaugh, were under the impression that bin Laden was not just on the run, but dead. Why spoil that?

But they can be forgiven for such wishful thinking (savvy Limbaugh notwithstanding), given how the president studiously avoided mentioning bin Laden by name, even while talking about the state of terrorism at the State of the Union.

Now the president himself is up for re-election. He doesn't want to run against bin Laden. Why put the orange or red spotlight on him?

Most Americans think their government would never play politics with national security, at least not after what happened on Sept. 11.

Think again.



potential Republican candidates, who would you like to see win the Presidential Nomination?
Secretary of State Condi Rice
Gov. Mitt Romney
Gov. George Pataki
Gov. Mike Huckabee
U.S. Sen. Majority Leader Bill Frist
U.S. Sen. George Allen
U.S. Sen. Sam Brownback
U.S. Sen. Chuck Hagel
U.S. Sen. John McCain
U.S. Rep. Tom Tancredo
Former U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich
Former Gov. Tommy Thompson
Former Mayor Rudy Giuliani

Of the potential Republican candidates, who would you like to see win the Vice Presidential Nomination?
Secretary of State Condi Rice
Gov. Mitt Romney
Gov. George Pataki
Gov. Mike Huckabee
U.S. Sen. Majority Leader Bill First
U.S. Sen. George Allen
U.S. Sen. Sam Brownback
U.S. Sen. Chuck Hagel
U.S. Sen. John McCain
U.S. Rep. Tom Tancredo
Former U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich
Former Gov. Tommy Thompson
Former Mayor Rudy Giuliani

Of the potential Democratic candidates, who would you like to see win the Presidential Nomination?
Gov. Phil Bredesen
Gov. Janet Napolitano
Gov. Ed Rendell
Gov. Bill Richardson
Gov. Brian Schweitzer
Gov. Tom Vilsack
U.S. Sen. Evan Bayh
U.S. Sen. Joe Biden
U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton
U.S. Sen. Chris Dodd
U.S. Sen. Russ Feingold
U.S. Sen. John Kerry
U.S. Sen. Ben Nelson
U.S. Rep. Dennis Kucinich
Retired U.S. Army Gen. Wesley Clark
Former Gov. Mark Warner
Former U.S. Sen. Majority Leader Tom Daschle
Former U.S. Sen. John Edwards

Of the potential Democratic candidates, who would you like to see win the Vice Presidential Nomination?
Gov. Phil Bredesen
Gov. Janet Napolitano
Gov. Ed Rendell
Gov. Bill Richardson
Gov. Brian Schweitzer
Gov. Tom Vilsack
U.S. Sen. Evan Bayh
U.S. Sen. Joe Biden
U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton
U.S. Sen. Chris Dodd
U.S. Sen. Russ Feingold
U.S. Sen. John Kerry
U.S. Sen. Ben Nelson
U.S. Rep. Dennis Kucinich
Retired U.S. Army Gen. Wesley Clark
Former Gov. Mark Warner
Former U.S. Sen. Majority Leader Tom Daschle
Former U.S. Sen. John Edwards


Laura Pulido
Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left
Radical Activism in Los Angeles

American Crossroads, 19


I knew the next election was going to involve dirty politics. ... and thereafter received George's blessing (picture a dog wagging his tail). ...

His regular co-anchor assignments included Inside Politics, the nation's only ... penis was the neck and head of a huge black dog - similar to a Pit Bull. ... - 13k - Cached - Similar pages

The Changing of the Guard: Part III: Illuminati Life and Propaganda
It is a very dog-eat-dog and political atmosphere where the cruel win. "How about you?" I ask. She grimaces. "I had to march some brats around", she says, ...

THE CHANGING OF THE GUARD - Part Two: Illuminati Revealed
The Illuminati are a very political and back stabbing group, a "dog eat dog" mentality; everyone wants to move up. These are NOT nice people and they use ...

The Changing of the Guard Part Four: Secrets of Skolnick
He has cut back the wages of federal employees and his political party fails ... Does anyone in the lap-dog monopoly press ever mention anything positive of ...
Obviously, they can also represent Politics, Media, and the Catholic church. ... Also in the Oakland area is a music company called “Dog Day Records. ...

The Inner Circle of the Bilderbergs always select our world political leaders. ... But more are prepared to come like a dog to the whistle if called. ...


The fresh political fight -- erupting as the national average gas price has ... whole region" - a region currently part-occupied by the whore-dog America. . - 374k - Cached - Similar pages

... facts which went totally unreported by the dog-on-a-leash mass media outlets. ... Hundreds of protest groups, tens of thousands of political activists .