The Yamasee Indians were part of the Muskhogean language group. Their traditional homelands lay in present-day northern Florida and southern Georgia. The advent of the Spanish in the late 16th century forced the Yamasee to migrate north into what would become South Carolina. Relations between the tribe and English settlers in that region were generally positive during the latter half of the 17th century.

Not surprisingly, problems between the races developed. The continuing influx of white settlers put pressure on Indian agricultural and hunting lands. The relationship was further complicated in that the tribe had become dependent on English firearms and other manufactured items, and had incurred a large debt, typically payable in deerskins. White fur traders acted on their displeasure by enslaving a number of Yamasee women and children to cover portions of the outstanding debt.

In the spring of 1715, the Yamasee formed a confederation with other tribes and struck at the white settlements in South Carolina. Several hundred settlers were killed, homes burned and livestock slaughtered. The frontier regions were emptied; some fled to the relative safety of North Carolina and others pushed on to even more secure Virginia. Charleston also received large numbers of frightened settlers.

At the height of the fighting, it appeared that the tribal confederation's overwhelming numerical superiority would end in the white settlements' complete destruction in the region. This would have been a virtual certainty if the confederacy had successfully drawn the Cherokee into their cause. Instead, the Cherokee gave in to the lure of English weapons and other goods, and chose to aid the Carolinians. In a further stroke of good fortune, the besieged settlers also managed to gain support from Virginia — an event not assured in this age of intense colonial rivalries.

The tide turned against the Yamasee, who were slowly pushed south through Georgia back into their ancestral lands in northern Florida. There, the tribe was virtually annihilated by protracted warfare with the Creeks, but some members were absorbed by the Seminole.

The Yamasee War took a heavy toll in South Carolina. Such terror had been instilled in the minds of the frontiersmen that it would take nearly 10 years for resettlement to occur in many areas. The warfare also brought a sharp change to the region's economy. Originally, farming had been the settlers' primary occupation, but the livestock supply had been so drastically depleted that many farms disappeared. In their absence, enterprising South Carolinians turned to the forests as a source of naval stores (tar, pitch and turpentine) and soon developed a lucrative trade with England. Later, the economy would develop rice and indigo as its primary products.

NAVIES OF THE WORLD

China to Buy 8 More Russian Submarines

BEIJING, June 24 -- China has begun negotiations with Russia to buy eight more submarines in a $1.6 billion deal that will significantly boost its ability to blockade Taiwan and challenge U.S. naval supremacy in nearby seas, Western and Russian sources said.

Four Russian producers are bidding to build the diesel-powered Project 636 Kilo-class vessels, which will be equipped with Klub long-range, anti-ship missile systems, defense experts said.

China has already purchased four Kilo-class subs from Russia, including two Project 636 models. The deal for additional submarines is part of a $4 billion weapons package that Russia has committed to provide China over the next four to five years. Included in the package are two more Sovremenny-class destroyers, adding to a pair China has already received, a new batch of S300 PMU2 anti-aircraft missiles and 40 Su-30MKK fighter-bombers.

The $4 billion sale cements Russia's place as China's biggest military trading partner, far ahead of Israel and such former Soviet states as Ukraine. It also cements China's place as the world's biggest weapons importer, underscoring its race with Taiwan for military supremacy across the Taiwan Strait.

China became the world's biggest importer of weapons in 2000, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. It maintained the No. 1 position last year, mostly through purchases of ships and combat aircraft worth close to $3 billion, more than twice any other buyer's acquisitions.

The United States is Taiwan's main military supplier. In April 2001, the Bush administration approved a multibillion dollar package that included eight diesel submarines, 30 AH-64D Apache Longbow attack helicopters, 12 P-3C submarine-hunting aircraft, four Kidd-class destroyers, long-range radar systems and Patriot III missiles. The U.S. submarine deal is uncertain, however, because the United States no longer makes or designs diesel-powered subs and two nations that do, Germany and the Netherlands, have refused to allow the United States to use their designs or manufacturers.

The Chinese submarine deal will "very significantly enhance [the Chinese] navy's ability to influence events in the East China Sea," said Bernard Cole, an expert on the Chinese navy at the National War College in Washington, "first, by enforcing a blockade against Taiwan, if Beijing adopts that course of action, and also by posing a serious problem for opposing naval forces attempting to operate in the area."

The deal reflects China's double-barreled military modernization strategy. On one hand, the strategy seeks to enable its army to recover Taiwan by force, if necessary. On the other, it wants to deter any intervention by the United States, which has committed itself to Taiwan's defense under the vaguely worded Taiwan Relations Act.

Two U.S. aircraft carrier battle groups faced down Chinese threats to the island in 1996 after China fired missiles across the strait during training exercises. Assuming China could detect the U.S. carriers in the future, such a response would be riskier once the new submarines are operational, defense experts said.

The deal, first reported on June 7 by the Kanwa Intelligence Review, a publication based in Canada and focused on the Chinese military, has prompted competition among Russian manufacturers to win the contract, although China's desire to have swift delivery means that work will occur at several plants simultaneously.

Russian press reports have identified the contenders as the Admiralteyskie Verfi shipbuilding plant based in St. Petersburg, the Komsomolsk-on-Amur shipbuilding plant, the Krasnoye Sormovo shipbuilding plant in Nizhny Novgorod and the Sevmash shipbuilding plant based in Severodvinsk.

China's own submarine manufacturing program has encountered difficulty, especially a multibillion dollar program to develop the Song class guided-missile submarine. China tried to develop the Song to replace its 1962-vintage Romeo-class attack submarines.

According to Jane's Defense Weekly, the first Song, built with assistance from Israel and others, started sea trials in 1995, but proved a failure. A second substantially modified Song began sea trials in early 2000, but analysts say these are far behind schedule and have yet to be completed.

"If Beijing is going to buy eight additional Kilos, it means that their domestic program to build Songs is, in fact, in trouble, which would certainly not surprise me," Cole said.

A second problem associated with China's purchase of the Kilos concerns its ability to use the submarines properly. China bought four Kilo-class submarines during the 1990s, two of the export version and two of the more capable Project 636 version produced by Russia for its own navy. The Chinese navy has experienced operating problems because of initially inadequate crew training, and more consistently because of certain material problems, such as troublesome batteries.

The new Kilo will be equipped with an anti-ship missile system with a range of 140 miles. But China would need to develop the ability to see "over the horizon" to use the weapons properly, defense experts said. Most submarines can only "see" a few miles without the aid of satellites, other submarines, airplanes or ships.

"China still cannot find ships at sea," a senior U.S. defense official said. "Over-the-horizon targeting escapes them. The United States built an open ocean surveillance capability in the 1960s. China has all the tools to build its own but it has not."

In 2003 China had 69 submarines, only one of which was a ballistic missile carrier. China had 63 principal surface ships, including 21 destroyers and 42 frigates, and over 360 patrol and coastal combatants.

The Russian Federation also had including 13 ballistic missile boats, 32 principal surface ships, 1 aircraft carrier, 7 cruisers, 14 destroyers, 88 patrol and coastal combatants, 22 amphibious ships, and about 435 support vessels. 

The Soviet military tested nuclear weapons on the islands of Novaya Zemlya in the Arctic Ocean, which was their second testing site after Semipalatinsk (now Semey), Kazakhstan. Nuclear reactors and wastes were dumped into the Barents and Kara seas of the far north, and in far eastern Siberia. Dumping of nuclear wastes in the Sea of Japan (East Sea) continued until 1993. The disposal of nuclear submarines and nuclear waste is still a problematic issue. Although a number of nuclear submarines have been decommissioned, most are still docked at Russian ports as a result of a lack of money and facilities for storing nuclear wastes.

Current Royal Navy deployments are vast, and encompass much of the world's oceans. In the Atlantic area, the RN presence is considerable. Atlantic Patrol Task (North) is normally carried out by an escort vessel which patrols the Caribbean and North Atlantic areas. Atlantic Patrol Task (South) constitutes the RN's commitment to the South Atlantic and West African areas which is comprised of an escort vessel accompanied by an RFA vessel. Additionally, a vessel is permanently deployed as the Falkland Islands Guardship, invariably tending to be a Castle-class patrol vessel. Also, HMS Endurance is deployed for half the year as the Ice Patrol Ship.

Control of the Military in a Democracy

THE NATO SCHOOL (SHAPE)

Dr. Andrzej Karkoszka, George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies

FROM: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/pfpdc/documents/2000/05-00_oberammergau/Karkoszka.htm

1. The term: “democratic control”

Control = oversight, check, direction, but should also include “protection”, “guidance”, “cooperation”.

Encompasses also all aspects of civil-military relations within a state.

Democratic control = governmental direction of military activities and parliamentary oversight of both the government and the military.

Democratic control over military /and other institutions of power inside a state/:

• taken as imperative for a liberal democracy;

• is the best means to assure the proper balance of resources between the military and other domains of a state, including other elements of national security institutions;

• obligates states espousing democracy and other basic values of democratic states;

• foundation of NATO /preamble and Art. 2 of the Washington Treaty/;

• 1994 Budapest OSCE Declaration on the code of conduct of states: “ Each participating state will at all times provide for and maintain effective guidance to and control of its military, paramilitary and security forces by constitutionally established authorities vested with democratic legitimacy…”

• PfP Framework Document of 10 Jan. 1994, point 3a: “assuring democratic control over the armed forces”;

• NATO’s five criteria for future members /”Study on Enlargement’, 1996/:

  • democratic system of government

  • free market economy

  • resolution of disputes with neighbors

  • contribution to NATO’s military effectiveness

  • democratic control over military.

Democratic control over the military ensures the transparency of security and military policy for the own society thus assuring its support for that policy. The same transparency is vital for the foreign and security policy of the state – it assures the neighboring states on the direction of that policy and makes the “defensive sufficiency” a credible policy, promoting mutual confidence and helping in prevention of arms races.

2. The Substance of the Problem:

A state needs to have a protection from an outside threat by means of its military force – thus the force must be strong, effective, ready, unified. Once the state created the force it needs legal and political protection against this most disciplined, organized, and powerful institution, to prevent the loosening of control over the activities of that force. Historical experiences of military coups, meddling in the internal and external affairs of the legal supreme bodies of states, influencing budgetary debates in favor of military wishes, dictating nominations to the highest posts – indicate seriousness of the issue.

There are various ways to prevent “politicization” of the military. Example: S. Huntington “The Soldier and the State”- professionalism of the military to be the best remedy, proven in the well-established democracies.

A full accountability of the military needed:

• in the use of force, both internally and externally, in war-time and peace-time,

• in the execution of national security strategy /here: level or preparedness, procurement processes, military expenditures, appropriateness of the existing structures/,

• in the usage of resources by the military,

• in the role played by the military in the society,

• in the way the military institutions deal with the soldiers.

Jeff Simon’s requirements for democratic control:

• clear legal division of authority in a state’s executive – president/government, prime minister/minister of defense, minister/CHOD,

• parliamentary oversight /especially through the defense budget/,

• government’s oversight of the military structures through civilians within the MoD,

• restoration of prestige of the officer corps /requirement characteristic for the post-communist societies/,

• informed public debate.

3. What “Model” for a Democratic Control of the Military?

Every state is a different case because of its particular history, traditional role of the military, the record of military institutions and the individual persons in uniform. This historical background shapes the formal/legal arrangements, sometimes justifying a political role of the military in state’s policy.

Soviet Union – strong political control of the military by the communist party, executed by the Main Political Administration and KGB; the military used for the purposes of one single party. To gain the support of the military the party permitted the militarisation of the society and national economy, and engaged the state in a militaristic foreign policy.

France –the military in a special position, deciding together with the state executive many issues reserved in other states to the parliament /latest changes in the military structures and military strategy/.

United Kingdom – governmental decisions, prepared in cooperation with the military, debated by the parliament post-facto.

Germany – very strong parliamentary control over any action, dealing with the military issues.

Ergo: there exist no unified model of the democratic control, but “we know the horse when we see it”.

4. Requirements of Democratic Control over the Military

Competent civilians – educated, trained, informed. The biggest obstacle in implementation of the democratic control in the post-communist states – lack of civilian cadres to perform within the military structures.

Comprehensive laws – usually transformed in a piece-meal approach, building on the existing old legal norms. One of the difficult issues – how to adapt the laws to the realities of free market economies /competitive procurement and service contracting, execution of financial regulation at the lower levels of military structures, financing of social benefits etc./.

Transparency in all branches – from state’s administration to military structures - without compromising the requirements of secrecy or confidentiality. Most difficult – control over the military intelligence.

Key element: parliamentary control. Here the interests of citizens-taxpayers are protected and represented. Functions of parliamentary control:

• checking whether the resources allocated for defense are commensurate with, and spent according to, the national interests; more specifically – how the resources respond to the national defense and security strategy /often also legislated/,

• preserving transparency of the budgetary processes for public scrutiny,

• enforcing the efficiency of expenditures and their rationalization,

• establishing a close linkage between the armed forces and the electorate,

• helping to explain state’s defense needs to the society,

• forging better cohesion within the alliance.

5. Specificity of the post-Soviet and post-Warsaw Pact States

Establishing the democratic control over the military – part of the over-all process of democratization of the states and societies and, simultaneously, a part and parcel of the general reform of the military system. Many elements of this process must be performed parallel and in very difficult financial conditions:

• introduction of new legal norms – especially on the use of force and on civilian oversight,

• changing the military structures – substantial reduction in strengths, redeployment of units, reducing the command structures etc.,

• organizational and functional changes – redefinition of the role of the General Staffs, transfer of authority to civilian departments,

• introduction of the new budgetary processes – DRIMMS, PPB methods, negotiating within the parliament,

• procurement – away from the political decision-making into free-market methods,

• redefinition of the role and place of the military intelligence.

Usual conditions for execution of national security and defense policy in the states of the region:

• objectives never absolutely certain,

• methods /ways/ often competing,

• resources always inadequate or scarce,

• time always short,

• political circumstances rarely beneficial.

Ergo: all this cannot be left only to the military, it must be based on interagency and systematic processes, open to the society /media/.

Pentagon with Washington Monument in Background

The Cleveland Plain Dealer September 3, 2001 Monday

Leading Scientists See Fatal Flaw in Missile Defenses

By Elizabeth Sullivan

The United States last week took its first step on the path to building missile defenses. A Pentagon contractor began felling trees in Alaska for five missile interceptor silos for which ground is to be broken next spring. President Bush says these silos will be part of a system of missiles and lasers that can shoot down enemy missiles, to protect Americans from nuclear blackmail or catastrophic attack by rogue states.

The Pentagon plans to use the Alaska missiles for expanded tests, to simulate a real attack. But the decision to build the silos is turning the soft rumble of scientific dissent into a roar. Many of the nation's leading physicists now say that the missile-seeking technology at the core of the proposed system won't work in a real attack.

They contend that the government has underestimated the likelihood that rogue states will use warhead-masking decoys, such as Mylar balloons or wire chaff, multiple decoys or decoys that mimic the appearance or heat signature of the real warhead. If that happens, the critics say, there is no evidence that our defensive missiles will be able to pick out the actual weapon.

"I think we owe it to ourselves to examine all technology that can be used for defense against missile attack," said Lawrence Krauss, head of the Case Western Reserve University physics department and author of "The Physics of Star Trek." "But there's a 'can't-do' principle" that drives good science, he said. "And in this regard, the 'law of physics' that I think is important is that any defensive system can inevitably be defeated by countermeasures that are simpler and cheaper."

Pentagon officials and missile-defense proponents acknowledge that tests carried out so far haven't replicated a real missile attack. That's not the objective, they say. "We're not testing a missile-defense system. We're testing missile-defense technology," said Lt. Col. Rick Lehner, spokesman for the Pentagon's Ballistic Missile Defense Organization.

However, the Pentagon has tacitly recognized the intractability of the decoy problem with its latest proposal to "layer" attempts to shoot down an incoming missile all along its trajectory, including just after launch and right before impact. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld says this "layered defense" at the core of a proposed 57 percent increase in the missile-defense budget will make it much tougher for an enemy to use effective decoys.

The core concept of ground-based missile defenses is this: to fire into space a garbage-can-sized bullet atop an intercept missile as soon as warning comes of an enemy missile launch. Ideally, five bullets, or "kill vehicles," would be fired for each incoming warhead. The kill vehicles then have about six minutes to find the incoming warhead and use only the force of impact to smash it to smithereens. To do that, the kill vehicle must select the warhead and not a decoy.

Philip Coyle, who ran the Pentagon's technology testing office for the last six years and is now with the Center for Defense Information, a Washington think tank, likened this to "trying to hit a hole-in-one when the hole is going 15,000 miles an hour and the green is covered with other holes that look just alike."

At least $54 billion has already been spent on creating missile defenses. The final price tag could be more than triple that amount. The effort involves developing scores of new technologies at once, ranging from new infrared "eyes" radars and computer programs that can track and target the incoming warhead to a new generation of low-orbit satellites.

That complexity means doing simple things first, government scientists say. "You have to crawl before you walk," said Bill Davis, an Alabama-based Pentagon consultant who has worked on ballistic missiles since the 1950s. The Pentagon says that's why its recent missile tests have used only a single balloon decoy that stands out because it is so much larger, brighter and of a different temperature than the prototype warhead.

But many scientists say that's tantamount to rigging the last four intercept tests, two of which scored hits. The failures both came because of unrelated technical problems. Ted Postol, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology physicist and former Pentagon missile scientist who has analyzed Pentagon data from a 1997 flyby test, said none of the 10 decoys used in that test could be distinguished from the warhead. After that test, Postol said, the Pentagon simply pared the complexity and number of decoys, from 10 to one.

Lehner said more decoys will be added in future tests. In the meantime, he said, the Pentagon is refining its decoy-detecting abilities using computer simulations. But he questioned how likely it was that rogue states such as North Korea, Iran or Iraq could add complex or heavy decoys to a big, bulky warhead and manage to heft all that weight the thousands of miles required to reach a U.S. city. "A rogue nation is fairly limited just by what they're technologically capable of doing," Lehner said.

The American Physical Society, which with 42,000 members is the nation's largest professional physicists' organization, has called for a delay in building missile defenses until the decoy problem can be solved. But decoys aren't the only potential glitch, according to the critics, who include 50 Nobel laureates. Instead of using a warhead hidden by decoys, an enemy could fire a shotgun blast of bomblets at the United States, said retired Case Western Reserve University physics professor Benjamin Segall. A limited missile defense shield would not be able to shoot down 100 bomblets filled with deadly anthrax before they reached a U.S. city.

Moreover, all four intercept tests used a radio beacon on the warhead to track it from the moment of launch and then steer the interceptor bullet to within 500 miles of the warhead. Lehner said the beacon was needed because the radar and satellites intended to do the same thing haven't been built yet. The beacon is not a homing device and doesn't rig the test, he said. But critics say such "simulations" could prove better than the real thing, since the real thing remains on the drawing boards.

"Whether the actual data from the satellite would be as good as the simulated data is now, we're obviously several years and several billion dollars away from answering that question," said John Pike, who runs GlobalSecurity.org, a Virginia-based watchdog group.

Then there is the question of what's driving the decision to start building missile silos next spring. Lehner said the silos would answer scientific concern by improving test realism, including increasing the number, range and complexity of tests.

But the five silos to be built at Fort Greely, Alaska, cannot be used for testing, since the rocket boosters might drop onto populated areas. About 3,000 people live near the old Army base and nearby town of Delta Junction. Wild buffalo herds still roam in the heavily forested area, about 100 miles southeast of Fairbanks. The interceptors will be fired from Fort Greely only in case of an actual attack, Lehner said. For tests, they'll be trucked 500 miles southwest to Kodiak Island, where two other silos are to be built, he said.

Lehner said this awkward arrangement is so the Fort Greely silos can be used in case of any future attack. The Pentagon believes North Korea could be within a decade of acquiring a missile that could hit U.S. cities.

But that also means construction could be construed as deployment of a national missile defense system, potentially violating the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty. And for that reason, critics say scientific concerns about the workability of the system should be addressed before the first silos are built.

---

Copyright 2001 Newhouse News Service

Date: Sun, 19 May 2002 16:14:12 -0400
Subject: CNN.com - Cheney: Future attack on U.S. 'almost certain' - May 19, 2002
From: John Judge

Cheney: Future attack on U.S. 'almost certain'
CNN, 19 May 2002

Backed into a corner, they threaten us with "intelligence" of an attack that is so vague that it doesn't justify a public warning, but so certain that it is only a matter of time. Investigations must not interfere with the war, they say. The point is, they are answering the wrong question. They began by denying that it was possible to have predicted or imagined such an attack on the United States. This ignores the following:

• Attacks on those very buildings in NYC had happened by that very network in 1993, and bin Laden was high on their radar screen according to them.
  
• The use of planes as weapons was not unknown. An attempt on the Eiffel Tower was foiled; an attack on a building in Russia on behalf of the Chechnyans was carried out; both involved bin Laden's network in the 90s. I was personally told in 1996 by the director of security at the Pentagon building that they had radar on the roof tracking for plane attacks. President Bush was relocated and special security measures were taken at the economic summit in Genoa to prevent a plane attack. A plane had already attacked the White House when Clinton was there.
  
• There were warnings to US intelligence in advance of 9-11 from German, Israeli, British and other intelligence agencies of an impending attack, including details about hijacking, using planes as weapons, and the timing of the event. There were US military base alerts the day before. There was a warning to Mayor Willie Brown in San Francisco not to fly that day from his security team.

They have spent $13 trillion tax dollars since the end of WWII on this military/intelligence complex, and it cannot protect its own headquarters? It can track every electronic communication on earth, crack the codes of the Al Quaeda in advance of 9-11, locate bin Laden's cell phone, but it can't decipher what it all means?

And beyond that question is the more pertinent one hardly anyone is asking.

• Bush clearly and undeniably had advance knowledge of a terrorist attack on US soil using planes as weapons by 9:05 am on September 11.
  
• NORAD had it by 8:45 in an unprecedented simultaneous hijacking of four planes.
  
• The Pentagon had it, as did everyone in DC by 9:05 as well.
  
• The Pentagon began to evacuate the building, as did the White House and Capitol.
  
  EVERYONE had advance knowledge of Flight 77 coming towards DC for 40 minutes.

Yet, there was a complete defensive stand-down. Interceptors from distant Langley AFB took off late and flew at subsonic speeds to arrive 5 minutes too late. Planes from nearby Anacostia Naval Air Station, Andrews Air Force Base, and the 73rd Air Wing at Atlantic City, NJ never took off. Scramblers in the air already at 9:05 from Otis AFB turned to target Flight 77 and were called off, despite a formal shoot-down order from Bush/Cheney "moments after" the 9:05 crash -- which had ended any speculation of accident or coincidence or hijacking motives.

By that moment they undeniably knew in advance what was coming and where it was headed. Local news announced that DC was the destination. Surface-to-air missiles at the White House and Pentagon remained sheathed in their silos. Despite the planes having turned off communications with ground control towers and their identifying transponders (which also shuts off their own near-range radar screens to avoid mid-air collisions), they were clearly visible to all external radars, they were being tracked by NORAD and DC towers, and they were somehow being navigated directly to their target.

How were they allowed to come into the most restricted air space in the world with no challenge or defense? That is the question that answers both when Bush knew in advance and begs any rational response.

The White House and Pentagon officials have been lying since day one about both advance intelligence knowledge that could have foiled the operation, and about their own ability to prevent, at least, the attack on the Pentagon. Let them answer that.

John Judge

ANOTHER DENIAL?

March 5, 2003

North Korea no threat to the US

By Stephen Gowans

US and South Korean troops held war games near the North Korean border yesterday. The Pentagon said the war games were aimed at deterring North Korea's military threat. Predictably, the media echoed the Pentagon's charge, though the charge is preposterous. North Korea poses no real military threat to either the United States or Japan, and while in principal it could threaten South Korea, it isn't threatening its neighbor in practice.

Those who had their wits about them asked why a poor country, battered by natural disasters and scarcity, on whose southern border sits 35,000 American troops, and in whose coastal waters lurk nuclear equipped US submarines, would launch an attack on a neighbor it has been trying to build bridges to, especially since an attack would provoke a devastating reply by the formidable US military.

Even more improbable as scenarios go is a missile attack on Japan (which Washington mentions from time to time as if it's a credible scenario), and about as unlikely as you can get is a North Korean missile strike on the United States. No one has yet to advance a single, credible reason why North Korea would undertake the suicidal act of attacking with the few missiles it may or may not have countries that could reply with an annihilating counterstroke.

But that hasn't stopped Washington from continuing to elevate minuscule threats into Himalayan threats, and nor has it stopped the media from uncritically echoing Washington's shameless threat-inflation. While we've haven't arrived there yet, we're only inches away from the point where an announcement that Burundi has received a new shipment of peashooters will send the Pentagon into a histrionic flap, to be followed by Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge issuing a Code Orange warning, along with orders to round up all Burundians living in the United States. Thereupon the media will dutifully warn that Burundi has emerged as a military threat, and Americans will feel their pulses quicken.

Worse still, not only is North Korea not the threat it's painted to be, it's the United States that stands as an immense and looming threat to North Korea, an aggressor whose contempt for the sovereignty of other countries and whose imperial ambitions harkens back to the dark days of the last century when jackboots marched across Europe.

It will be recalled that the Bush administration made a virtual declaration of war against North Korea when it declared the country to be part an "axis of evil," a hit list of largely defenseless countries to be taken out one by one. Calling Iraq, Iran and North Korea an axis was good rhetoric, but there was no connection among the countries, except that "they resented the power of the West," according to David Frum, the former Bush speechwriter who originally coined the phrase "axis of hatred," later changed to "axis of evil" by Bush's top wordsmith Mike Gerson. Frum said North Korea was added to the list at the last minute because "it needed to feel a firmer hand."

"Resented the power of the West" means the three refused to surrender their sovereignty to the United States. Hence the hit list. Hence the need to feel a firmer hand. If they wouldn't subordinate themselves to Washington peacefully, they'd be forced to violently.

Later, a restive British MP would challenge Prime Minister Tony Blair, Washington's faithful servant, about the Anglo-American axis's intentions with regards to North Korea. "Who's next?" (after Iraq), he demanded of Blair. "North Korea?" The Prime Minister allowed as how the "crisis" on the Korean peninsula would have to be dealt with in due time.

Yesterday, White House spokesman Ari Fleischer was busily at work building the pretext for a future attack on the next hit list country. North Korea, he said "continues to engage in provocative and now reckless actions."

Fleischer was referring to North Korean MIGs challenging a US RC-135 spy plane on patrol off the coast of North Korea. But under the circumstances, it was the US surveillance flight, not the MIGs, that was provocative. In recent weeks, the Pentagon has stationed bombers within striking distance of Pyongyang. That, on top of Washington putting the communist country on notice through its "axis of evil" declaration, thereby fingering North Korea as a potential target under Washington's pre-emptive strike doctrine, amounts to a set of highly provocative actions.

What's more, with North Korea having fired up its nuclear power facilities at Yongbyon, there's a good chance the Bush administration will carry through on what the Clinton administration contemplated doing--razing the facilities to the ground in a missile strike--a plan that it backed away from in favor of an agreement to supply fuel oil and lightwater reactors in exchange for Pyongyang shutting the reactor down.

That agreement collapsed when Washington accused North Korea of secretly flouting the pact by developing nuclear weapons. Washington cut off fuel oil supplies, and Pyongyang put the reactor -- which is capable of producing weapons grade material -- back in to operation, at the same time withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

But there is much that is murky about the events surrounding the collapse of the agreement. Gregory Elich ("Targeting North Korea") points out that it was a US official who said Pyongyang admitted to having developed nuclear weapons, not Pyongyang itself. And the US has failed to live up to its side of the agreement. Only the most rudimentary work had begun on the lightwater reactors, which were to be built by 2003. And while the agreement called for a normalization of relations between the two countries, the Bush administration has taken an increasingly aggressive posture toward North Korea. And that growing hostility has continued, with Washington rejecting out of hand North Korea's offer of a nonaggression pact.

It's not clear whether North Korea has nuclear warheads or not, or whether it intends to develop them, but what is clear is that Washington has decided that any country that refuses to knuckle under and is weak enough to be pushed around will not be allowed to develop the capability to defend itself. This doctrine isn't peculiar to the Bush administration; the Clinton administration was willing to breach international law by launching an unprovoked attack on the Yongbyon facilities for the very same reason.

But depriving another country of the means of self-defense so that it can be easily pushed around and forced to surrender its sovereignty would hardly meet with the approval of the American population. Moreover, the hypocrisy of denying other countries weapons while possessing the world's largest arsenal of weapons of mass destruction is too jarring. Accordingly, Washington remains mum on the true reasons it's targeting North Korea, and transforms the small struggling country into a baleful, reckless and provocative power that threatens the United States and its allies. Iraq has undergone the same transformation, for the same reasons. So too will Iran.

Sadly, this fairly black and white issue will be muddied by those who insist on ritualistic denunciations of North Korea's leader Kim Jong Il, communism and neo-Stalinism, in the same way the issue of Washington's grossly illegal, immoral, and unpopular designs for war on Iraq have been muddied by ritualistic denunciations of Saddam Hussein, Iraqi human rights violations, and old stories (which now seem to be have been distorted, "Reality Checks Needed During War," Toronto Star, March 1, 2003) of Saddam gassing his own people.

The issue isn't Kim Jong Il. The issue is the United States seeking to extend its hegemony, through whatever means necessary. If that isn't learned soon, the hit list will grow longer.

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THE KOREAN LEADER - ATTACK ON AMERICA?

... Donna. N. Korea Leader: 'Burn With Hatred' Against US. Nation's Leader Celebrates Birthday. ... OTHER PAGES ON THIS SITE REGARDING KOREA. DREAM OF 33. ... ... www.greatdreams.com/korean.htm -

THE COMING WAR

... The events, scheduled to take place throughout the United States, the Republic of Korea and the Pacific from 2000 to 2003, are intended "to honor and thank all ... www.greatdreams.com/coming_war.htm -

The Changing of the Guard: Part V: The Oracle

... North Korea. Iran. India / Pakistan. Turkey. ... North Korea: (March 12) At this point in time, reference to North Korean military threats must be played down entirely ... www.greatdreams.com/political/media05.html

 

By Dan Morgan
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, June 11, 2004; Page A23

As Congress moves ahead with a huge new defense bill, lawmakers are making only modest changes in the Pentagon's plans to spend well over $1 trillion in the next decade on an arsenal of futuristic planes, ships and weapons with little direct connection to the Iraq war or the global war on terrorism.

House and Senate versions of the 2005 defense authorization measure contain a record $68 billion for research and development -- 20 percent above the peak levels of President Ronald Reagan's historic defense buildup. Tens of billions more out of a proposed $76 billion hardware account will go for big-ticket weapons systems to combat some as-yet-unknown adversary comparable to the former Soviet Union.

On the Pentagon's wish list are such revolutionary weapons as a fighter plane that can land on an aircraft carrier or descend vertically to the ground; a radar-evading destroyer that can wallow low in the waves like a submarine while aiming precise rounds at enemy targets 200 miles inland; and a compact "isomer" weapon that could tap the metallic chemical element hafnium to release 10,000 times as much energy per gram as TNT.

So far this year, the debate in Congress over the defense bill has largely skirted the budgetary or strategic implications of this buildup, largely because Republican and Democratic politicians are unwilling to appear weak on defense after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

"In the public mind there is clearly a present danger, so we can't trim back the defense budget in any manner even though counterterrorism spending only accounts for a small part of it," said Carl Conetta, co-director of the Project on Defense Alternatives.

But as Congress comes under new pressures to fund the war in Iraq, provide better physical protection for troops in the field, help financially strapped military families and defend U.S. shores, some lawmakers in both parties say Congress and the Pentagon must begin to choose among competing defense priorities.

"We are in a massive train wreck financially," Rep. Curt Weldon (R-Pa.) recently told members of the House Armed Services subcommittee on tactical air and land forces, which he chairs. "The time has come to be tough about the way we are spending money on programs that we cannot see the ability to fund" in later years.

War costs and modernization are expected to drive defense spending to nearly $500 billion in 2005, above the inflation-adjusted Cold War average, and $50 billion above 2004. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that the long-term price tag for all the planes, ships and weapons the military services want will be at least $770 billion above what the Bush administration's long-term defense plan calls for.

In a major speech last week, Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, called for cutting back funding for a national missile defense system -- a priority of the Bush administration -- to pay for increasing the size of the active-duty Army.

Other lawmakers are concerned that a defense budget that gives the Pentagon the resources to challenge adversaries in the air, sea and on land throughout the world for the next half-century will inevitably further skew the nation's foreign policy toward military intervention.

The current defense budget, said Sen. Bob Graham (D-Fla.), "is consistent with the Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz view of the world that we will essentially abandon 'soft' power -- diplomacy and the use of international institutions -- and will concentrate on 'hard' power -- military strength that we exercise alone."

He was characterizing the strategic defense policies of Vice President Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul D. Wolfowitz.

The defense budget before Congress looks far different from the one Rumsfeld envisioned when he first came to office. At that time, he was pushing the armed forces toward a "transformation" creating lighter, faster, electronically networked and smaller forces. That approach already has resulted in plans for the Army's Future Combat Systems and the Navy's proposed Littoral Combat Ship.

Rumsfeld canceled the Army's heavy Crusader artillery system and made clear he was skeptical of other costly advanced weapons systems championed by the military chiefs and defense contractors.

But the Sept. 11 attacks and the combat that followed diverted Rumsfeld from his transformation initiatives and also increased the Pentagon's respect for more orthodox existing weapons that they once considered phasing out. These included the Air Force's slow-flying but reliable A-10, which supports ground forces, and the Army's M-1 tank.

"Afghanistan and Iraq have injected a long-overdue sense of realism in the decisions at DOD about how much you can foresee the future," retired Army Col. Richard H. Sinnreich said. "After 9/11, a whole bunch of things changed."

After the terrorist attacks, the Pentagon continued to move ahead with "essentially all of the major acquisitions included in the Clinton administration defense plan," according to a recent report of the nonpartisan Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.

The view was echoed in a March report drafted by a panel of defense experts and retired military and Pentagon officials at the request of two prominent think tanks, the Center for Defense Information and Foreign Policy in Focus. It concluded that "the Bush military budget is being spent on a force structure that does not match today's security challenges because it is designed for a cold war style large-scale conventional challenge that we no longer face."

Some changes and cutbacks are being made around the edges of the budget.

In February, the Army canceled development of its future helicopter, the Comanche, to free more funds for immediate wartime needs.

Congress last year cut planned purchases of the Navy's new Virginia-class nuclear attack submarines from seven to five through 2008.

This year, the Senate Armed Services Committee, citing production delays, proposed reducing procurement of the Air Force's F/A-22 Raptor from 24 to 22 planes. The House-passed defense authorization bill reduces funding for developing the Littoral Combat Ship and the next-generation DD(X) destroyer.

But whether any of those cuts will survive the coming negotiations between the House and Senate, or will pass muster with the appropriations committees that make the final decisions, is highly questionable, if Congress's performance on previous defense bills is any indication.

The cost of the stealthy F-22 air-to-air fighter in the 2005 budget is $5 billion, and that of a second combat aircraft in the development stage, the Joint Strike Fighter, is $4.5 billion. Lockheed Martin Corp. is prime contractor for both planes, as well as for the Space-Based Infrared System (SBIRS), a satellite network that is supposed to be a key part of a defense against missile attack.

Envisioned in the 1980s as a radar-evading plane that could take on Soviet fighters deep over Russia, the F-22's future role now is more ambiguous because no country is developing an aircraft with anything near its capabilities.

"We haven't faced an enemy with an Air Force to speak of since 1945, except for a few MiGs in North Korea and Vietnam," said Winslow Wheeler, a former Senate Republican aide who is author of a forthcoming book on Congress and defense.

The combined cost of the F-22 and the Joint Strike Fighter in 2005 will equal about a fifth of federal aid to education and half of the budget for all foreign aid and military assistance.

But about 1,000 contractors in 43 states work on the F-22, and they are well-connected in Congress.

Six members of the Senate Armed Services Committee have urged reconsideration of the cut even though they acknowledged that producing even 22 planes a year "exceeds the contractor's current capability to produce aircraft."

Senior military officials and defense industry representatives argue that pinching pennies on security is a serious mistake in uncertain times. Advanced weapons such as the F-22, they say, provide such a wide technological "gap" that they deter potential enemies such as China from trying to catch up.

"If we're to maintain our power and leadership in the world, we have to be able to maintain these capabilities. . . . It's an insurance policy for our country," said Tom Jurkowsky, spokesman for Lockheed Martin.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company

Pentagon Establishes New Force For Future Invasions

Alex Massie 

11/30/03: (The Scotsman) HAVING discovered in Iraq that it can be harder to win the peace than the war, America is taking steps to ensure future conquests do not turn sour. 

Senior Pentagon officials are currently considering plans to set up two 15,000-strong divisions that would be dedicated to overseeing the reconstruction of countries in the aftermath of future military campaigns. 

And while the units could be used for peace-keeping operations anywhere in the world, it is understood their use has been included in Pentagon wargaming of potential invasions of countries such as Iran, Syria and even North Korea. 

As part of its ongoing "transformation" project, the Pentagon has recently been updating wargame scenarios for these areas and concluded the United States can win battles faster and with fewer troops than previously been thought possible. 

As a result, a thorough overhaul of US troop deployment around the world is under way, with an emphasis on a smarter, leaner army able to deploy anywhere in the world at a moment’s notice. 

The changes underline America’s determination to maintain the capability to overthrow other rogue regimes suspected of harbouring terrorists, but there is also a recognition that military force alone cannot guarantee stability and a successful transition to democratic civilian rule. 

Admiral Arthur Cebrowski, director of the Pentagon’s Office of Force Transformation, a bureau charged with devising ways for the US military to operate more efficiently and effectively, has backed the proposal to set up two peace-keeping divisions of 15,000 troops, which was developed by the National Defence University. "This [post-conflict] mission is too important and too hard to rely on cobbling a force together," he said. 

Cebrowski argues a permanent post-conflict stabilisation force needs to be treated as being of equal importance to combat troops and not as an optional extra. "War is more than combat and combat is more than shooting," he said. 

Although many of the elements - such as engineers and military police - that would make up a post-conflict force are already found within the US military, Cebrowski said: "Their existence does not constitute a capability until you organise for that. The military has to get good at that." 

A second proposal envisages a 5,000-strong peace-keeping brigade specialising in what the Pentagon now calls "stability operations". 

Each scheme is an acknowledgement that the US army does not possess an adequate "post-conflict" capability. 

A senior Pentagon official said it appeared likely this would change. "It’s an idea that has legs. If you have dedicated forces, you can ensure they will be better organised for post-war tasks and know what they are about," the insider said. 

The idea is a significant U-turn by President George Bush’s administration and is seen as an attempt to limit the political damage caused by the continuing casualties being sustained in Iraq. 

As recently as June, Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had speculated that while the US might "provide some leadership for training of other countries’ citizens who would like to participate in peace-keeping", it would not be interested in playing a leading role in those operations itself. 

But, according to the Washington Post, he sent a memo in August pondering the possible need to "try to fashion a post-combat capability of some sort". 

According to James Carafano, a senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, the US is currently ill-equipped to mount peace operations. 

"When American forces do undertake peace missions, they try, as much as possible, to make them mirror traditional military activities," he said. 

Carafano said the military had a "tradition of forgetting" the lessons of previous peace-keeping and post-conflict operations, such as the occupation of the Rhineland after the First World War, and military governments in Mexico, California, the Southern States, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Panama, China and the Philippines. 

Thomas Donnelly, a defence analyst at the American Enterprise Institute, said it was still "painfully obvious the civilian and uniformed leadership of the US military remains resolutely fixated on battle and, it seems, wilfully ignorant about war: the use of armed force for a political purpose". 

Within the US, there is a significant lobby that believes there are still battles waiting to be fought to achieve victory in the war on terror. 

Michael Ledeen, author of The War Against the Terror Masters who believes the US must put more pressure on Syria and do more to support the reformist opposition in Iran, said: "We are involved in a regional struggle, not just a national conflict. 

"This is not a civil war, it is part of the broad war against the terror masters, and it cannot be won if we limit our vision and our action to Iraq." However, he added: "At the moment, the top policy people do not want to take on another terror master, whether in Damascus, Tehran, Tripoli or Jeddah." 

Any such operation would prove unpopular with senior army officers who are already concerned the US military is dangerously over-stretched. 

And there are other signs of tension between senior army officers and Pentagon defense strategists. 

As part of the wider review process, plans are being considered that would effectively strip away power from the four-star generals who currently run the military’s six command areas and concentrate power within the Pentagon itself. 

"The traditional sensibility about forces being solely dedicated to regional duty is something we want to discuss," said a senior defence official. 

"The process of deploying US troops will be more centrally controlled by the Pentagon who will move US forces around the world as though they were pieces on a chessboard."

Copyright: The Scotsman.

http://www.angelfire.com/rant/watchman2001/Beast.html

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